— \u015eadi OZANS\u00dc<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye devrimci Marksizmi 70\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131ndan, yani ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 andan itibaren bir t\u00fcr ortayolculuk ve \u201csolculuk\u201dla malul olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
\u00c7ok gen\u00e7 bir hareket olarak ba\u015fta \u0130stanbul\u2019daki ve Ankara\u2019yla \u0130zmir\u2019deki \u00f6\u011frenci \u00e7evreleri i\u00e7inde boy g\u00f6steren Tro\u00e7kizm, ku\u015fkusuz bu alanda y\u00fcr\u00fcyen anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadelede hi\u00e7 de az\u0131msanmayacak bir yer tutmu\u015f, bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7inde (AS\u0130S 1<\/a><\/sup> deneyimi; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki ilk anti-b\u00fcrokratik, anti-Stalinist sendikal hareket) yer alm\u0131\u015f, \u0130stanbul\u2019da Kartal, Pendik, Maltepe ve Rumeli Hisar\u00fcst\u00fc\u2019nde, \u0130zmir\u2019de G\u00fcltepe\u2019de, Bursa \u0130neg\u00f6l\u2019de a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak anti-fa\u015fist mahalle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bununla birlikte, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u201csol\u201ddaki a\u011f\u0131r Stalinizm bas\u0131nc\u0131 alt\u0131nda (unutulmas\u0131n ki, T\u00fcrkiye solunda hem SBKP b\u00fcrokrasisini, hem \u00c7KP b\u00fcrokrasisini, hem Arnavutluk Emek Partisi b\u00fcrokrasisini izleyen \u00e7evreler aralar\u0131ndaki b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klara ra\u011fmen Stalinciydiler ve ortayolcu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen gruplar\u0131n teorik referans kaynaklar\u0131 da Vietnam ve K\u00fcba \u00f6rneklerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi her \u015feye ra\u011fmen gene de Stalinizmdi) \u015fekillenen gen\u00e7 Tro\u00e7kizm ister istemez defansif bir karakterde do\u011fdu. 2<\/a><\/sup> \u00dcstelik bu defansif tav\u0131r, K\u00fcrt meselesinde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok net enternasyonalist pozisyona 3<\/a><\/sup> ra\u011fmen b\u00f6yle oldu.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Tro\u00e7kist hareket T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ilk ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yeni yetme\u00a0\u201cTro\u00e7kist\u201dler i\u00e7in ba\u015fvuru kitab\u0131 \u00f6ncelikle \u0130saac Deutscher\u2019in A\u011fao\u011flu\u00a0Yay\u0131nevi\u2019nden yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f Tro\u00e7ki biyografisiydi. Bilindi\u011fi gibi\u00a0Deutscher\u2019in bu Tro\u00e7ki biyografisinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra bir de Stalin biyografisi\u00a0vard\u0131r. Dikkatli bir okuyucu Tro\u00e7ki\/Stalin ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda \u0130saac\u00a0Deutscher\u2019in duygusal pozisyonunun Tro\u00e7ki\u2019den, bir tarih\u00e7i olaraksa\u00a0Stalin\u2019den yana oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Nitekim Tro\u00e7ki, \u201cIV. Enternasyonal\u2019i\u00a0kurmak hayat\u0131m\u0131n en \u00f6nemli, Ekim Devrimi\u2019nden ve K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu kuruculu\u011fundan\u00a0bile daha \u00f6nemli eylemi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc benim deneyimlerimi\u00a0gelecek ku\u015faklara aktaracak kimse sa\u011f kalmad\u0131<\/em>\u201d 4<\/a><\/sup> demesine ra\u011fmen\u00a0Deutscher, kurulu\u015funa kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu IV. Enternasyonal\u2019le ilgili b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc\u00a0sadece d\u00f6rt sayfa ile ge\u00e7i\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Oysa Deutscher\u2019den sonra Tro\u00e7ki\u00a0biyografisini yazan Pierre Brou\u00e9, IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in kurulu\u015funa 800\u00a0sayfa \u00fczerinden 150 sayfa yer ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u015euras\u0131 bir ger\u00e7ektir ki Deutscher gizli bir anti-Tro\u00e7kisttir! Ve\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye Tro\u00e7kizmi de Deutscherci yani Tro\u00e7ki kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. Bu durum,\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye Tro\u00e7kizminin sakat do\u011fmas\u0131na ve devrimci Marksizmdense\u00a0ortayolcu<\/strong> olmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Ku\u015fkusuz bu ortayolculuk sadece T\u00fcrkiye Tro\u00e7kizmine musallat\u00a0olmu\u015f bir hastal\u0131k de\u011fildi. \u00d6zellikle Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden bir\u00a0s\u00fcre sonra onun kurdu\u011fu Enternasyonal\u2019i ele ge\u00e7irenler, ortayolcu\u00a0politikalar izleyerek Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin Marksizmine b\u00fcy\u00fck darbe indirdiler.\u00a0Bu kesimlerin uluslararas\u0131 Tro\u00e7kist hareket i\u00e7inde zay\u0131flamalar\u0131\u00a0uzun y\u0131llar ald\u0131. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, \u00f6zellikle 1993 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra IV.\u00a0Enternasyonal<\/strong>\u2019in yeniden kurulu\u015fuyla birlikte (ki bu yeniden kurulu\u015fu\u00a01951\u2019de ortayolculu\u011fa teslim olanlara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele eden ak\u0131mlar\u00a0yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r) Tro\u00e7kizm geleneksel kimli\u011fine yeniden kavu\u015fmu\u015ftur.\u00a0B\u00f6ylelikle Che Guevara\u2019y\u0131 Tro\u00e7kist diye niteleyen, Arjantin\u2019de \u201cyeni\u00a0kitle \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ileri fabrikalardan kopar\u0131p\u00a0\u015fehir gerillas\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kararak en az 200 i\u015f\u00e7i militan\u0131n askeri cunta g\u00fc\u00e7leri\u00a0taraf\u0131ndan k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na neden olan PRT\u2019yi (Devrimci \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi) IV.\u00a0Enternasyonal\u2019in Arjantin seksiyonu yapan, 1968 olaylar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda\u00a0ortaya at\u0131lan \u201cHo-Ho-Ho \u015ei Minh!\u201d slogan\u0131n\u0131 sahiplenerek \u00c7inhindi\u00a0Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin kurucusu olan Vietnaml\u0131 Tro\u00e7kist lider Ta Thu\u00a0Thau\u2019nun 1945\u2019te Stalinci<\/strong> Vietminh taraf\u0131ndan katledilmesini unutturan\u00a0ortayolcu \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201d tarihin \u00e7\u00f6p sepetine at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu ortayolculu\u011fun T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 1980 \u00f6ncesindeki ifadesi, Tro\u00e7kizmin\u00a0ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Komintern\u2019in ilk d\u00f6rt kongresine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran birle\u015fik\u00a0i\u015f\u00e7i cephesi <\/strong>anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 yerine devrimcilerin birle\u015fik cephesi<\/strong> anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131\u00a0ge\u00e7irmesiydi. Yani i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin birle\u015fik cephesindense \u201cdevrimci\u201d\u00a0\u00f6rg\u00fctlerin birle\u015fik cephesi fikrinin hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi. Tro\u00e7ki,\u00a0ortayolcular\u0131 sola \u00e7ekerek onlarla devrimci bir program etraf\u0131nda ayn\u0131\u00a0parti i\u00e7inde yer almay\u0131 hep \u00f6nerdi, ama bunu bir birle\u015fik i\u015f\u00e7i cephesi\u00a0anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ik\u00e2me etmek i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir zaman kullanmad\u0131.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Tro\u00e7kizmin, yani Marksizmin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ortaya\u00a0\u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n tek yolu, Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/strong> anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kan bir i\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6nderli\u011finin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u015eimdi bunun yollar\u0131n\u0131n nereden\u00a0ge\u00e7ti\u011fini, varolan \u201cTro\u00e7kist\u201d yap\u0131lar\u0131n politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ele\u015ftirisinden\u00a0hareketle ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin somut ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan kalkarak anlatmaya\u00a0\u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/p>\n Daha \u00f6nce de \u0131srarla belirttik, \u015fimdi de bundan sonra da belirtmeye\u00a0devam edece\u011fiz: T\u00fcrkiye, kapitalizminin geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyi ne olursa\u00a0olsun emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge <\/strong>bir \u00fclkedir. Hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde\u00a0Ekim Devrimi \u00f6ncesi \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusya\u2019s\u0131 gibi geri de olsa emperyalist\u00a0bir \u00fclke de\u011fildir. Ama zaten Brezilya ve G\u00fcney Kore gibi \u00fclkeler de\u00a0emperyalist olmay\u0131p yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgedirler. Emperyalizm; yani \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen\u00a0kapitalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, yeni emperyalist \u00fclkelerin boy vermesinin s\u00f6z\u00a0konusu olabilmesi Leninist emperyalizm teorisinin reddi anlam\u0131na\u00a0gelir.<\/strong> \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc o zaman bu, emperyalist kapitalizmin, y\u0131k\u0131m g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle\u00a0(sava\u015flarla) \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri zay\u0131flatan bir sistem olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, onlar\u0131geli\u015ftiren bir sistem haline gelmi\u015f olmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelirdi ki, bu da onu\u00a0her d\u00fczeyde gerici olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p, ilerici bir misyonla donat\u0131rd\u0131. Hal\u00a0kesinlikle b\u00f6yle olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00fclkelerde emperyalizm\u00a0zaten i\u00e7sel bir olgudur<\/strong>\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fc tespitler veya ne anlama geldi\u011fi belli\u00a0olmayan \u201chegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7<\/strong>\u201d ya da \u201cb\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7<\/strong>\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 Leninist\u00a0emperyalizm teorisini suland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 gibi, T\u00fcrkiye ve benzeri \u00fclkelerde\u00a0anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadeleyi de zay\u0131flatacak yakla\u015f\u0131mlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n Her zaman yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve yapmaktan vazge\u00e7meyece\u011fimiz bu tespiti\u00a0bir kez daha yineledikten sonra T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne\u00a0art\u0131k ge\u00e7ebiliriz. Evet, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de geleneksel bir s\u0131n\u0131f partisi\u00a0ya da partileri yoktur.<\/strong> T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ne geleneksel ve s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7inde k\u00f6k\u00a0salm\u0131\u015f bir kom\u00fcnist parti, ne benzer bir kitleselli\u011fe ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir sosyalist\u00a0parti ve ne de d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkesinde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00a0t\u00fcrden birer burjuva i\u015f\u00e7i partileri<\/strong> olarak sosyal demokrat\u00a0partiler vard\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcr partiler \u015eili, Brezilya, Arjantin gibi bir dizi Latin\u00a0Amerika \u00fclkesinde, Hindistan, Pakistan, Banglade\u015f gibi bir dizi Asya\u00a0\u00fclkesinde, Azanya (G\u00fcney Afrika), Sudan, Nijerya gibi bir dizi Afrika\u00a0\u00fclkesinde ve tabii Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn emperyalist ve emperyalist olmayan\u00a0\u00fclkelerinde mevcuttur.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sendikal zeminden kalkarak kitlesel bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi\u00a0hedefli tek parti giri\u015fimi 1961-71 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda faaliyet g\u00f6steren\u00a0ve tarihe 1. T\u0130P olarak ge\u00e7en T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi<\/strong> olmu\u015f ve bunun\u00a0d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda da burjuvaziden ve onun devletinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, k\u0131smen de olsa\u00a0kitleselle\u015fme imk\u00e2n\u0131 yakalam\u0131\u015f bir s\u0131n\u0131f partisine tan\u0131k olunmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00a0T\u0130P\u2019in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 ne kadar kucaklad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ne kadar \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i\u201d partisi olup\u00a0olamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7\u0131k olmakla birlikte, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar uzanan\u00a0sosyalist gruplar\u0131n ve onlar\u0131n kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n, \u015fu an hepsinin, kendilerinin\u00a0olmasa bile \u00f6nc\u00fcllerinin T\u0130P i\u00e7inde yer alm\u0131\u015f olduklar\u0131 kimsenin yads\u0131yamayaca\u011f\u0131\u00a0bir ger\u00e7ektir. T\u0130P\u2019in \u00f6zellikle 1965-1971 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda\u00a0s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fccadele, kendinden \u00f6nceki ve sonraki legal\/illegal i\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerine g\u00f6re hem nitelik hem nicelik olarak \u00e7ok daha yayg\u0131n\u00a0ve ulusal \u00f6l\u00e7ekli oldu\u011fundan bug\u00fcn bile kitlesel diyebilece\u011fimiz bir\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine referans olmaya devam ediyor.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bug\u00fcn\u00fcne ili\u015fkin olarak yapmam\u0131z gereken temel\u00a0tespit, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sesi olacak bir partiye sahip\u00a0olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/strong> Ba\u015fta burjuvazinin \u00e7e\u015fitli fraksiyonlar\u0131 olmak \u00fczere,\u00a0k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin say\u0131s\u0131z sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde sesi\u00a0vard\u0131r. \u0130\u015fi mezheplere, tarikatlara uzatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda, her birinin neredeyse\u00a0birka\u00e7 TV kanal\u0131 ve \u00e7e\u015fitli yaz\u0131l\u0131 yay\u0131n organlar\u0131na sahip olduklar\u0131n\u0131\u00a0g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Dahas\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli hem\u015feri derneklerinin, hatta b\u0131rakal\u0131m il ve\u00a0il\u00e7e derneklerinin baz\u0131 k\u00f6y derneklerinin sesi bile koskoca T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sesinden daha fazla \u00e7\u0131kabiliyor. \u0130\u015fte bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda, devrimci Marksizmin birinci g\u00f6revi tabii ki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sesi olacak bir i\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partisinin yolunu a\u00e7acak ko\u015fullar i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmek olmal\u0131d\u0131r.\u00a0\u201cKom\u00fcnistlerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131ndan ayr\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlara sahip\u00a0olamayacaklar\u0131\u201d<\/strong> ve \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funun i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi\u00a0eseri olaca\u011f\u0131\u201d<\/strong> d\u00fcsturlar\u0131 devrimci Marksistlerin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesindeki\u00a0ana k\u0131lavuzlar\u0131 olmak durumundad\u0131r. Devrimci partinin g\u00f6revinin iktidar\u00a0m\u00fccadelesinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmak oldu\u011fu hi\u00e7bir zaman\u00a0unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Yukar\u0131da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin emperyalist bir \u00fclke olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, tam tersine\u00a0emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00fclke oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledik. Ancak kitlesel bir\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f partisinin yoklu\u011fu<\/strong> konusunda neredeyse sadece ABD ile yar\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u00a0g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Yani ha T\u00fcrkiye k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Amerika olmu\u015f, ha Amerika\u00a0b\u00fcy\u00fck bir T\u00fcrkiye, bir \u015fey fark etmiyor! \u0130kisinde de sorun ayn\u0131: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn yoklu\u011fu.<\/strong><\/p>\n Tro\u00e7ki, T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerine yazmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, herhangi bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisinin\u00a0olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla tebar\u00fcz eden bir \u00fclkede devrimci Marksistlerin nas\u0131l\u00a0davranmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fi konusunda ABD ile ilgili olarak yazd\u0131klar\u0131na\/s\u00f6ylediklerine bakmak ku\u015fkusuz \u00f6nem arz ediyor. Bu iki \u00fclkenin\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin birbirinden t\u00fcm\u00fcyle farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinmekle beraber,\u00a0soruna yakla\u015f\u0131m y\u00f6nteminin (diyalekti\u011fin) nas\u0131l i\u015fledi\u011fini g\u00f6stermesi\u00a0bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ders mahiyetinde.<\/p>\n Tro\u00e7ki, 1934-35 y\u0131l\u0131nda ABD\u2019de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 iktidar\u0131n\u0131n imk\u00e2n dahilinde\u00a0oldu\u011fundan s\u00f6z ediyor. Oysa o s\u0131ralar ABD\u2019de iktidar sorununu\u00a0g\u00fcndeme getirmek m\u00fccadelenin ritmini zorlamak ya da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n\u00a0ger\u00e7ek ruh h\u00e2lini hesaba katmamak anlam\u0131na gelmiyor muydu?<\/p>\n Hay\u0131r. Tro\u00e7ki, iktidar i\u00e7in soyut devrimci propagandaya giri\u015fme\u00a0tavsiyesinde bulunmuyor. Tam tersine iktidar sorunu zaten m\u00fccadelenin\u00a0merkezinde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in her \u015fey Ge\u00e7i\u015f Taleplerinin<\/strong> ne \u00a0olmas\u0131\u00a0gerekti\u011finde odaklan\u0131yor. ABD\u2019deki durumla ilgili \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor:<\/p>\n ABD\u2019de bir devrim i\u00e7in gerekli temel toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcllerin hepsi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f\u00a0durumda (\u2026) \u00d6te yandan, ABD\u2019de maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme h\u0131z\u0131 ve\u00a0\u015fiddetlenmesi y\u00fcz\u00fcnden kitlelerin bilinci \u2013son d\u00f6nemde \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmeler g\u00f6stermi\u015fse\u00a0de- nesnel ko\u015fullarla k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda h\u00e2l\u00e2 gerili\u011fini koruyor. \u00d6znel\u00a0ko\u015fullar\u0131n, kitlelerin bilincinin, devrimci partinin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesinin temel fakt\u00f6r\u00a0olmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. \u00d6znel ko\u015fullar nesnel duruma ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Son tahlilde,\u00a0\u00f6znel \u00f6genin kendisi nesnel ko\u015fullara ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r, ama bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k basit bir\u00a0s\u00fcre\u00e7 de\u011fildir. 5<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Bu ger\u00e7eklik salt ABD\u2019ye \u00f6zg\u00fc bir durum de\u011fildir. Nitekim Tro\u00e7ki\u00a0\u015f\u00f6yle devam ediyor:<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn ABD\u2019de ya\u015fanan durum, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her taraf\u0131nda ya\u015fan\u0131yor. Yani nesnel\u00a0fakt\u00f6rlerle \u00f6znel fakt\u00f6rler aras\u0131ndaki orant\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k. Fark \u015fu ki, bu orant\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k hi\u00e7\u00a0bu kadar keskin olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 6<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n \u0130\u015fte buradan IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in tarihsel sorumlulu\u011funa geliyoruz,\u00a0\u015f\u00f6yle ki:<\/p>\n Stratejik g\u00f6revler; kitlelerin politik ve psikolojik zihniyetlerini nesnel duruma\u00a0uyarlamalar\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmay\u0131 gerektirdi\u011fi gibi, Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin geleneksel\u00a0\u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmalar\u0131na ve onlar\u0131n ruhsal durumunu sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00a0toplumsal krizinin nesnel \u00a0durumuna uyarlamay\u0131 gerektirir. 6<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6ntemi \u015funu sa\u011flamay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar: \u0130\u015fte bu y\u00fczden de bu Ge\u00e7i\u015f Talepleri<\/strong> program\u0131,<\/p>\n en basit taleplerden i\u015f\u00e7i Sovyetlerinin kurulu\u015funa kadar uzanan talepleri kendi\u00a0b\u00fcnyesinde bar\u0131nd\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, kitleleri, iktidar\u0131n devrimci zapt\u0131 fikrine g\u00f6t\u00fcrecek\u00a0ba\u011flar\u0131 \u00a0kurabilmek i\u00e7in Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n hareket edece\u011fi iki u\u00e7\u00a0noktad\u0131r. 6<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Peki, bu \u201cba\u011flar\u0131 kurmak\u201d nas\u0131l olacak? Yani bir ba\u015fka ifadeyle,\u00a0i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131 zapt etmesini g\u00fcndeme getiren nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u00a0olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile kitlelerin bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyinin bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi kavrama\u00a0noktas\u0131na hen\u00fcz ula\u015fmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki yar\u0131k nas\u0131l kapat\u0131lacak?\u00a0Tro\u00e7ki, daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r olmak i\u00e7in \u00f6rneklerini \u00e7o\u011falt\u0131yor. 1938 y\u0131l\u0131nda\u00a0Ludlow adl\u0131 bir senat\u00f6r, ABD\u2019nin sava\u015fa girmesini bir referanduma\u00a0ba\u011flamay\u0131 \u00f6neriyor. Bu \u00f6neriye nas\u0131l yakla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131? Tro\u00e7ki, \u015fu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u00a0ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor:<\/p>\n IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in ABD seksiyonu olan Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin (SWP)\u00a0Ulusal Konseyi yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamada sava\u015f\u0131n referandumla durdurulamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u00a0il\u00e2n etti. Bu tav\u0131r t\u00fcm\u00fcyle do\u011frudur. Bu bizim ayn\u0131 zamanda, kapitalizmin\u00a0geli\u015fiminin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir sonucu olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz sava\u015flara ili\u015fkin genel\u00a0tavr\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka ifadeyle, kapitalizmin do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftiremeyece\u011fimiz\u00a0gibi, onu demokratik y\u00f6ntemlerle de y\u0131kamay\u0131z. Referandum\u00a0\u2013ne bir eksik ne bir fazla- demokratik bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r. Bu demokrasi \u00fczerine in\u015fa\u00a0edilmi\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131 d\u0131\u015flamakla birlikte, onun yerine bir i\u015f\u00e7i devletini\u00a0ge\u00e7irme imk\u00e2n\u0131na sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z s\u00fcrece, bu demokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131z\u00a0(\u2026) Ku\u015fkusuz emperyalist sava\u015ftan ka\u00e7\u0131nman\u0131n tek yolu olan proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc,\u00a0i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve yoksul \u00e7ift\u00e7ileri derhal seferber ederek demokrasinin\u00a0yerine ge\u00e7irebilmemiz en iyisi olurdu. Ama bunu hen\u00fcz yapam\u0131yoruz. Ve\u00a0g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz ki, geni\u015f y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar sava\u015f\u0131 demokratik yollardan durdurabilmenin aray\u0131\u015f\u0131\u00a0i\u00e7indeler. Bu iki y\u00f6n\u00fc olan bir sorundur, \u015f\u00f6yle ki bunlardan biri tamamen\u00a0ilerici bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131r: Kitlelerin emperyalistlerin sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 durdurma niyeti\u00a0ve onlar\u0131n kendi temsilcilerine duyduklar\u0131 g\u00fcven eksikli\u011fi. Bu, \u015fu demektir:\u00a0Evet, parlamentoya birtak\u0131m insanlar g\u00f6nderiyoruz, ama milyonlarca ve milyonlarca\u00a0Amerikal\u0131 i\u00e7in hayat memat meselesi olan bu konuda onlar \u00fczerinde\u00a0bir denetimimiz olsun istiyoruz. Bu t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ilerici bir tutumdur. Ama bu, bu\u00a0hedefe ancak bu y\u00f6ntemle var\u0131labilece\u011fine olan yan\u0131lsamalardan biridir. Biz\u00a0bu yan\u0131lsamay\u0131 ele\u015ftiririz. Bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k kitlelerden geldi\u011finde, b\u00fct\u00fcn yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131na\u00a0ra\u011fmen ilerici bir e\u011filimi ifade eder. Bu yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131 \u00f6nceden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f\u00a0kararlarla yok edemeyiz, onlar\u0131 ancak ortak eylem i\u00e7inde k\u0131rabiliriz. San\u0131r\u0131m\u00a0kitlelere a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015funu s\u00f6yleyebilmeliyiz: Sevgili dostlar, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yolunun proletarya\u00a0diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yerle\u015ftirmemizden ge\u00e7ti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz. Ama siz hen\u00fcz\u00a0bunu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyorsunuz. Amerika\u2019y\u0131 bir referandumla sava\u015f\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutabilece\u011finize\u00a0inan\u0131yorsunuz. Ne yapacaks\u0131n\u0131z? Se\u00e7ti\u011finiz Ba\u015fkana ve Kongreye\u00a0g\u00fcvenmedi\u011finizi ve onlar\u0131 referandumla denetim alt\u0131nda tutmak istedi\u011finizi\u00a0s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorsunuz. \u0130yi, \u00e7ok iyi, bu konuda karar\u0131 kendinizin vermesi gerekti\u011fi\u00a0konusunda sizinle anla\u015ft\u0131k. Referandum bu konuda m\u00fckemmel bir \u015feydir ve\u00a0onu destekleyece\u011fiz. Ludlow bu de\u011fi\u015fiklik teklifinde bulundu, ama onun i\u00e7in\u00a0m\u00fccadele etmeyecek (\u2026) S\u00f6z konusu olan sert bir m\u00fccadeledir ve onun i\u00e7in\u00a0sadece i\u015f\u00e7ilerle birlikte yoksul \u00e7ift\u00e7iler ve kitleler m\u00fccadele ederler, biz sizinle\u00a0birlikte m\u00fccadele edece\u011fiz. Size bu arac\u0131 sunanlar, onun i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmeyecekler\u00a0(\u2026) Kitlelerle birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fcmemiz gerek. Ve bu y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fte form\u00fcllerimizi\u00a0tekrarlamakla yetinmemeliyiz. \u00d6yle bir \u015fekilde konu\u015fmal\u0131y\u0131z ki, ileri\u00a0s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz talepler kitleler taraf\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131labilsin. 7<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Hemen yukar\u0131da al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z son c\u00fcmle, yani \u201ckitlelerle birlikte\u00a0y\u00fcr\u00fcmemiz gerek ve bu y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fte form\u00fcllerimizi tekrarlamakla\u00a0yetinmeyip onlar\u0131n kitleler taraf\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r olmas\u0131na \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmal\u0131y\u0131z<\/em>\u201d\u00a0kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u201csolculuk\u201dtan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle uzak olan temel bir devrimci strateji\u00a0\u00f6gesidir<\/strong>. \u0130leri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc taleplerin kitleler taraf\u0131ndan kolayca kavranacak\u00a0bir \u015fekilde form\u00fcle edilmesi i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6stermeyen bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nc\u00fc\u00a0niteli\u011fi hep tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Yani i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar meselesinin\u00a0\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc bizzat kendi ellerine almas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olacak \u201c\u00f6nc\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn\u00a0yetersizli\u011fi.<\/p>\n Tro\u00e7ki Amerikal\u0131 yolda\u015flar\u0131yla, ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin form\u00fcle edilmesi\u00a0konusunda y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc, Demokrat\u00a0Parti\u2019den zorunlu olarak kopart\u0131lacak sendikalarla bir \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisinin\u00a0kurulmas\u0131 meselesine ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir partinin kurulmas\u0131 talebine\u00a0kendi partisi olan SWP i\u00e7inden \u015fiddetli itirazlar gelince, Tro\u00e7ki bu itirazlara\u00a0cevaplar sunmay\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en \u00f6nemli meselelerden biri olarak\u00a0g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n S\u00f6z konusu etti\u011fi nas\u0131l bir partidir?<\/p>\n ABD\u2019de \u015f\u00f6yle bir durumla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir partiye, yani kendi\u00a0partisine ihtiyac\u0131 var. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik e\u011fitimi i\u00e7in at\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken ilk\u00a0ad\u0131m bu olmak zorunda. (\u2026) Bu \u00f6yle bir nesnel olgu ki, i\u015f\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan yeni\u00a0kurulmu\u015f bulunan sendikalar bir a\u00e7maza girmi\u015f durumdalar ve bu a\u00e7mazdan\u00a0\u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n olmazsa olmaz\u0131 b\u00f6yle \u00a0bir partinin kurulup s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini etkilemesidir.\u00a0(\u2026) Bug\u00fcn i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n partisinin in\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7in y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclecek ajitasyon\u00a0soyut olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve tam tersine, ilk elde sendikalarda \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ilerin\u00a0ilerleyebilmeleri ve ard\u0131ndan da hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc olmayanlar\u0131n hareketege\u00e7meleri i\u00e7in elzemdir. \u0130kincisi bu g\u00f6rev, t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ekonomik ve sosyal ko\u015fullar\u00a0taraf\u0131ndan belirlenmi\u015f durumdad\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir partinin sendikalardan ileri\u00a0gelen tuhaf bir politik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerek bunun ister istemez\u00a0oport\u00fcnist bir parti olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmek sa\u00e7mal\u0131kt\u0131r. (\u2026) Ku\u015fkusuz e\u011fer bir\u00a0reformist parti ile bir devrimci parti aras\u0131nda tercih yapmak durumunda kalsak,\u00a0tabii ki ikinciden yana tav\u0131r al\u0131rd\u0131k. Ama burada \u00f6nemli olan her \u015feyden \u00f6nce\u00a0bir partiye sahip olunmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bizim i\u00e7in mevcut durumdan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n tek yolu\u00a0budur. \u00d6zellikle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n partisinin \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi bir durumda, her ko\u015ful\u00a0alt\u0131nda oport\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmemiz gerekti\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan hareketle,\u00a0oport\u00fcnizme sebebiyet verece\u011fi gerek\u00e7esiyle ilerici bir ad\u0131m\u0131 k\u0131rmak son derece\u00a0gerici bir politikad\u0131r ve \u00a0sekterizm \u00e7o\u011funlukla gericidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n\u00a0zorunlu eylemine muhalefet eder. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde ABD\u2019de \u015fematik olarak\u00a0\u00fc\u00e7 tip \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalabiliriz. (\u2026) E\u011fer parti, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine\u00a0bizi d\u00e2hil edecek kadar gev\u015fekse, onun i\u00e7ine girmemek aptall\u0131k olurdu. Bu\u00a0partinin i\u00e7ine parti olarak girip faaliyet g\u00f6sterebilme imk\u00e2n\u0131na sahip olursak,\u00a0bu demektir ki, bu parti son derece gev\u015fek \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ili\u015fkilerine sahip oport\u00fcnist\u00a0bir partidir. B\u00f6yle bir partinin bizi kendi i\u00e7ine kabul etmesi, oport\u00fcnistlerin\u00a0bizi saf d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rakacak g\u00fcce parti i\u00e7inde sahip olmad\u0131klar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. (\u2026)\u00a0\u0130kinci tip parti; daha az kritik bir d\u00f6nemde, daha az tedirginlik veren bir ortamda,\u00a0daha rahat ve sakin ko\u015fullarda, tutucu ve gerici y\u00f6neticilerin h\u00e2kimiyeti\u00a0alt\u0131nda, az \u00e7ok merkezile\u015fmi\u015f bir partidir ki, bu parti zaten bizi kendi i\u00e7ine parti\u00a0olarak almayacakt\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz bu durumda partimizi bu oport\u00fcnist partinin\u00a0d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutar\u0131z ve onun i\u00e7ine girme ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r\u0131z. Ama parti olarak,\u00a0b\u00f6yle merkezile\u015fmi\u015f bir partinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda dururuz. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc tip bir partide, bizim\u00a0e\u011filim olarak egemen oldu\u011fumuz bir partide, yani bize ait g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere sahip\u00a0devrimci y\u00f6neticilere sahip olan bir partideyse, gev\u015fek \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ili\u015fkilerine\u00a0sahip bu partinin merkezile\u015fmesinin savunucular\u0131 haline geliriz. (\u2026) Bu \u0130\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0Partisinin evriminin \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu a\u015famada, partimizi b\u00f6yle bir \u0130\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0Partisinin i\u00e7inde bu partinin karakterini belirleyecek bir bi\u00e7imde eritiriz. Ama\u00a0her h\u00e2l\u00fck\u00e2rda ilk a\u015famada i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u015funu s\u00f6ylemek durumunday\u0131z: Emek\u00e7iler!\u00a0Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce kendi partinize ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131z var! 8<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin Amerikal\u0131 yolda\u015flar\u0131yla Ge\u00e7i\u015f Talepleri \u00fczerine y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u00a0tart\u0131\u015fmadaki mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kavrayabilmek i\u00e7in, yolda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u00a0talebine kar\u015f\u0131 yapt\u0131klar\u0131 itirazlara ya da \u00e7ekincelere kar\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fi cevaplara\u00a0bakmak son derece \u00f6\u011freticidir. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u201chareketi, oldu\u011fu\u00a0haliyle ele almak gerekir<\/em>\u201d, yani:<\/p>\n Yolda\u015f Dunne diyor ki, hen\u00fcz sendikalar\u0131 SWP\u2019yi desteklemeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ramay\u0131z.\u00a0Neden? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz\u00fcz. Ama i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u015f\u00f6yle de diyemeyiz:\u00a0\u2018Bekleyin biz parti olarak daha etkili ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olal\u0131m, o zaman bizi desteklersiniz.\u2019\u00a0O takdirde harekete oldu\u011fu h\u00e2liyle m\u00fcdahale etmemiz gerekir, yani nesnel\u00a0durumun dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imiyle: Bir \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi i\u00e7in! 9<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalardan birinde, ABD\u2019li Tro\u00e7kist \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6neticilerinden\u00a0Max Shachtman \u015fu itirazda bulundu:<\/p>\n Bir reformist partiyi savunamayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u00f6ylemenize ra\u011fmen, ayn\u0131 anda\u00a0i\u015f\u00e7ilerin iradesini politik olarak dayatabilmeleri amac\u0131yla bir \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisinin\u00a0in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n \u015fampiyonlu\u011funu yapmam\u0131z\u0131 \u00f6neriyorsunuz. Bu s\u00f6ylediklerinizi birbirleriyle\u00a0ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rmakta zorlan\u0131yorum.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin bu soruya yan\u0131t\u0131 aynen \u015fu oluyor:<\/p>\n Bu bir pedagojik yakla\u015f\u0131m sorunudur. Bir reformist partinin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 talep\u00a0etti\u011fimizi nas\u0131l s\u00f6yleriz? Biz i\u015f\u00e7ilere, \u2018siz kendi iradenizi bir reformist parti\u00a0dolay\u0131m\u0131yla de\u011fil, ancak bir devrimci parti arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ifade edebilirsiniz\u2019\u00a0deriz. Stalinistler ve liberaller bu hareketin reformist bir partiye evrilmesini\u00a0arzuluyorlar, ama bizim kendi program\u0131m\u0131z var ve biz ondan bir devrimci parti\u00a0\u00e7\u0131kartaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Partinin di\u011fer bir y\u00f6neticisi olan James P. Cannon \u015fu itiraz\u0131 ileri\u00a0s\u00fcr\u00fcyor:<\/p>\n Nas\u0131l devrimci bir \u0130P\u2019yi a\u00e7\u0131klayabiliyorsunuz? Biz hep \u015f\u00f6yle diyoruz: \u2018SWP\u00a0tek devrimci partidir ve onun program\u0131 da tek devrimci programd\u0131r\u2019. Bu\u00a0durumda nas\u0131l olur da i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u0130P\u2019nin de bir devrimci parti oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131z?<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin buna da cevab\u0131 \u015fudur:<\/p>\n \u0130P\u2019nin bir devrimci parti oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemeyece\u011fim, ama onun devrimci olabilmesi\u00a0i\u00e7in elimizden geleni yapaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorum. Her toplant\u0131da \u015f\u00f6yle\u00a0diyece\u011fiz: \u2018Ben SWP\u2019nin temsilcisiyim. SWP\u2019nin tek devrimci parti oldu\u011funu\u00a0d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Ama ben sekter de\u011filim. Siz \u015fimdi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi kurmak\u00a0istiyorsunuz. Size bu konuda yard\u0131mc\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131m, ama bu parti i\u00e7in size \u015fu\u00a0program\u0131 incelemeniz \u00f6nerisinde bulunaca\u011f\u0131m.\u2019 Konu\u015fmaya b\u00f6yle ba\u015flamak\u00a0gerekir. Bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda, bu b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. (\u2026) Siz sorunu \u00e7ok soyut\u00a0bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya koyuyorsunuz, \u015f\u00f6yle ki: Elbette \u0130P reformist bir parti olarak\u00a0\u015fekillenebilir ve bizi ihra\u00e7 eder! Ama gene de bu durumda bile biz hareketin bir\u00a0par\u00e7as\u0131 olmu\u015f oluruz. (\u2026) \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilere her zaman \u015funu s\u00f6yleyece\u011fiz: \u2018\u0130P i\u00e7in kendi\u00a0program\u0131n\u0131za ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131z var. Al\u0131n i\u015fte benimki\u2019. Ve b\u00f6ylece Ge\u00e7i\u015f Talepleri\u00a0program\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 \u00f6nermi\u015f oluruz. 6<\/a><\/sup><\/p><\/blockquote>\n Bilindi\u011fi gibi 1990 y\u0131l\u0131 sonuyla 1991 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda Zonguldak\u2019ta\u00a0b\u00fcy\u00fck madenci eylemi patlak verdi. O s\u0131ralar Zonguldak maden\u00a0i\u015fletmelerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131k 50 bin civar\u0131ndayd\u0131. Hepsi\u00a0T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f\u2019e ba\u011fl\u0131 Genel Maden-\u0130\u015f Sendikas\u0131\u2019nda (GM\u0130S) \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bu\u00a0i\u015f\u00e7iler Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme politikalar\u0131ndan kendilerinin de\u00a0nasiplerini alacaklar\u0131n\u0131 fark ettiklerinden greve \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Bu grevle\u00a0birlikte kentin havas\u0131 bir anda de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f, her g\u00fcn sokaklar\u0131 dolduraneylem halindeki i\u015f\u00e7iler ve ailelerinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu 70 bin ki\u015filik kitle\u00a0sadece Zonguldak\u2019a de\u011fil, t\u00fcm T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck havas\u0131 sunmu\u015ftu.\u00a0Elinizdeki dergi o s\u0131ralar gazete olarak yay\u0131nlan\u0131yordu ve ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131,\u00a0\u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerle Geliyor!<\/strong>\u201ddu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sundu\u011fu \u00f6yle bir\u00a0\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck havas\u0131yd\u0131 ki, y\u0131llard\u0131r Zonguldak\u2019\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131na yerle\u015fmi\u015f\u00a0sivil polisler bile \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131k ve korku i\u00e7inde k\u00f6\u015fe bucak ka\u00e7m\u0131\u015flard\u0131.\u00a0Kent tamamen i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kontrol\u00fcndeydi. O zamanlar TRT\u2019den ba\u015fka\u00a0TV kanal\u0131 yoktu (belki Star vard\u0131, ama \u00e7ok etkili de\u011fildi) ve Turgut\u00a0\u00d6zal i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u00fcrekli olarak tehdit ediyordu. TRT\u2019den \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n tehditlerini\u00a0dinleyen i\u015f\u00e7iler, daha o konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 bitirmeden sokaklara \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ve\u00a0\u201cTRT onlar\u0131n, caddeler bizim!<\/strong>\u201d sloganlar\u0131n\u0131 at\u0131yorlard\u0131. Evet, Onlar\u00a0ve Biz. Yani burjuvazi ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131! 15 g\u00fcnl\u00fck bir eylem, i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u201ckendisi\u00a0i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f\u201d haline getirmi\u015fti. Tabii i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bu hareketlili\u011finde\u00a0GM\u0130S\u2019in Ba\u015fkan\u0131 olan \u015eemsi Denizer\u2019in de pay\u0131 vard\u0131. Her g\u00fcn s\u00fcrekli\u00a0olarak sendikan\u0131n balkonundan i\u015f\u00e7ilere ajitatif \u00a0konu\u015fmalar yapan\u00a0Denizer, kitlenin moralinin y\u00fckselmesinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.\u00a0Unutmayal\u0131m ki, Zonguldak grevi asl\u0131nda 1989 Bahar Eylemlerinin\u00a0son dura\u011f\u0131yd\u0131 ve zaten neredeyse 1. K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131yla da \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.\u00a0Bilindi\u011fi gibi K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131 denilen Orta Do\u011fu\u2019ya emperyalist m\u00fcdahale,\u00a0kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc sadece sava\u015f alanlar\u0131nda g\u00f6stermemi\u015f,\u00a0ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980\u2019den sonra ilk\u00a0aya\u011fa kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 da bo\u011fmu\u015ftu. \u0130\u015fte Zonguldak b\u00fcy\u00fck madenci eylemi\u00a0bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda s\u00fcrerken Patronsuz, Generalsiz, B\u00fcrokrats\u0131z\u00a0SOSYAL\u0130ZM<\/strong> gazetesi olarak Zonguldak i\u015f\u00e7ilerine da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmak \u00fczere\u00a0bir \u00d6zel Say\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131k. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda co\u015fkuyla kar\u015f\u0131lanan bu \u00d6zel\u00a0Say\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u015eemsi Denizer\u2019e yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, Zonguldak\u2019tan ba\u015flayarak\u00a0bir kitlesel i\u015f\u00e7i partisi kurmas\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131dan i\u015f\u00e7iler kadar\u00a0sendikac\u0131lar da etkilenmi\u015flerdi. Yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z hesaplara g\u00f6re \u2013 ki \u015fimdi\u00a0bile \u00e7ok abart\u0131l\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum- b\u00f6yle bir partinin 50 bin\u00a0\u00fcyeyle Zongudak\u2019ta kurulmas\u0131 halinde bile \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye \u00e7ap\u0131nda 2 milyon i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fcyeye ula\u015fmas\u0131 muhtemeldi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc\u00a0b\u00fct\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 can kula\u011f\u0131yla Zonguldak\u2019taki geli\u015fmeleri\u00a0izliyordu. Bir\u00e7ok i\u015f\u00e7i sendikas\u0131 ve kitle \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc de \u00fcyelerini otob\u00fcslerle\u00a0hafta sonlar\u0131 Zonguldak\u2019a getirip destek eylemi yap\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015fte b\u00f6yle\u00a0bir ortamda PGB Sosyalizm gazetesi olarak \u015eemsi Denizer\u2019e parti\u00a0kurucu ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131k. Vay efendim, sen misin bunu s\u00f6yleyen!\u00a0Aynen Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin de ifade etti\u011fi gibi kendi i\u00e7imizden de ele\u015ftirilere\u00a0u\u011frad\u0131k. Yok efendim, \u015eemsi Denizer kimmi\u015f de parti ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u00a0davet ediliyormu\u015f! Yok efendim, T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f gibi gerici bir konfederasyonun\u00a0bir sendikas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fkan\u0131ndan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partisi kurucusu olur muymu\u015f!\u00a0Daha neler neler! \u015eimdi baz\u0131lar\u0131yla ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz kendi yolda\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u00a0bile \u015eemsi Denizer meselesini bug\u00fcne kadar temcit pilav\u0131\u00a0gibi \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze getirip durdular ve getirmeye de devam ediyorlar. Sanki\u00a01961\u2019de T\u0130P\u2019i kuran sendikac\u0131lar Denizer\u2019den \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131ym\u0131\u015f\u00a0gibi. Ayr\u0131ca meselenin bir ki\u015filer meselesi olmay\u0131p s\u0131n\u0131f ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u00a0meselesi oldu\u011funu anlayamamakta \u0131srarc\u0131 olmak da i\u015fin cabas\u0131!<\/p>\n Herkesin bildi\u011fi gibi h\u00e2len Brezilya\u2019da h\u00fck\u00fcmet olan Brezilya\u00a0PT\u2019sinin kurulu\u015funa Tro\u00e7kistler \u00f6nayak olmu\u015flard\u0131. Metal i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin\u00a0ba\u015f\u0131nda askeri y\u00f6netime kar\u015f\u0131 efsanevi bir m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fcten Lula\u00a0PT\u2019nin ilk kurucu ba\u015fkan\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi, daha sonra da hem h\u00fck\u00fcmet\u00a0ba\u015fkan\u0131 hem de devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 olmu\u015ftu. Partisi \u015fu anda iktidarda ve\u00a0\u00e7e\u015fitli burjuva partileriyle koalisyon ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi Haiti\u2019ye\u00a0m\u00fcdahale gibi konularda da emperyalizmle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yap\u0131yor. Ama\u00a0b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar h\u00e2l\u00e2 burjuvazinin kinini PT\u2019nin \u00fczerinden alabilmi\u015f\u00a0de\u011fil. Sonu\u00e7 itibariyle PT; bir emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkenin burjuva\u00a0i\u015f\u00e7i partisi, emperyalist \u00fclkenin Sosyal Demokrat Partisi de\u011fil. Ve\u00a0dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 Brezilya burjuvazisi ve b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak\u00a0sahipleri s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partisinin dahi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan rahats\u0131zlar.\u00a0Nitekim emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 Brezilya oligar\u015fik devleti 10<\/a><\/sup> \u015fu\u00a0an bile PT\u2019nin baz\u0131 y\u00f6neticilerini hapse atman\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini veriyor.\u00a0\u0130\u015fte b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i politikalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen Brezilya i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi tarihini\u00a0PT \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131 diye ikiye ay\u0131rmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Lula ve PT y\u00f6netimi\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi politikalar izliyorlar ama bu PT\u2019nin burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131\u00a0savunulmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemez. Kald\u0131 ki, Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleci\u00a0g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin PT\u2019nin y\u00f6netimini ele ge\u00e7irmek gibi bir imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 her\u00a0zaman \u00f6nlerinde duruyor. Bu anlamda ha Lula ha Denizer, ne fark eder\u00a0ki? \u00d6nemli olan Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin de yukar\u0131da a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade etti\u011fi gibi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u00a0nesnel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda hareket etmektir.<\/p>\n 1991 y\u0131l\u0131nda da bug\u00fcn de T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n acil ihtiyac\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u00a0partisine sahip olmakt\u0131r. Bunu 1991 y\u0131l\u0131nda anlamayan Tro\u00e7kistlerin\u00a0bug\u00fcn de anlamamakta \u0131srarc\u0131 olmalar\u0131n\u0131 anlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil.\u00a0Ama \u201cHay\u0131r, biz kendi devrimci partimizi kuraca\u011f\u0131z, PT benzeri\u00a0reformist partilere ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z yok!\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n Tro\u00e7kizmden, onun\u00a0Ge\u00e7i\u015f Talepleri kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan, parti in\u015fa taktiklerinden ne kadar uzak\u00a0oldu\u011funu belirtmek gerekiyor. Sanki kendi \u201cta\u015f gibi\u201d partisini kurmaya\u00a0\u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kitlesel partisini kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak bir\u00a0engelmi\u015f gibi. Bu asl\u0131nda \u015fu anlama da geliyor: \u201cBen kendi partimi\u00a0kurar\u0131m, bu yolda herhangi bir cepheye ya da dolay\u0131ma da ihtiyac\u0131m\u00a0yoktur. Zaten bunlar\u0131n hepsi benim kurmak istedi\u011fim partinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde\u00a0birer engeldir.\u201d Bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n Tro\u00e7kizmle uzak yak\u0131n hi\u00e7bir ili\u015fkisi yoktur.\u00a0\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00f6yle kurulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan \u201cpartiler\u201d kitlelerle etkile\u015fmenin\u00a0kendilerini \u201cbozaca\u011f\u0131\u201dn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler ve her konuda zaten \u201cen do\u011fru\u201dyu\u00a0ve en \u201csol\u201du bildiklerinden i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 buyurgan olmak durumundad\u0131rlar.\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201dinin ge\u00e7mi\u015fine duyulan hakl\u0131 tepkinin\u00a0bir ba\u015fka uca savrulmakla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini sanmak kimseyi otantik\u00a0Tro\u00e7kist yapmaz.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201di geleneksel \u201csolculu\u011fun\u201ddan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc sendikal m\u00fccadeleye\u00a0do\u011fru bir cepheden bakmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ya hep en \u201csol\u201d sendikalar\u0131\u00a0\u00f6nemsemi\u015f ya da varolan sendikal yap\u0131lar\u0131 \u201cb\u00fcrokratik\u201d olduklar\u0131 veya\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine \u201cihanet\u201d ettikleri gerek\u00e7esiyle par\u00e7alamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00a0Tabii bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n ikisi de kabul edilemez olmakla birlikte,\u00a0\u00f6zellikle ikincisi nerdeyse bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal ihanet \u00e7izgisine kadar uzanma\u00a0riskini ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201di hep en \u201csol\u201d sendikay\u0131 \u00f6rnek olarak alm\u0131\u015f,\u00a0di\u011ferlerineyse hep burun k\u0131v\u0131rarak bakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Oysa ki T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131f\u00a0m\u00fccadelelerinin son d\u00f6nemine k\u0131saca bir g\u00f6z att\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda esas kitlesel\u00a0m\u00fccadelelere \u201ctutucu\u201d dedi\u011fimiz sendikalar\u0131n \u00f6nayak olduklar\u0131n\u0131\u00a0g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. S\u00f6z gelimi, yukar\u0131da and\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Zonguldak B\u00fcy\u00fck Madenci\u00a0Eyleminin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f\u2019e ba\u011fl\u0131 GM\u0130S \u00e7ekti\u011fi gibi, gene son y\u0131llar\u0131n\u00a0en \u00f6nemli i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesi olan TEKEL eyleminin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 da gene\u00a0T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f\u2019e ba\u011fl\u0131 Tek G\u0131da-\u0130\u015f Sendikas\u0131 \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkiye \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201di\u00a0sendika deyince D\u0130SK\u2019i g\u00f6rmek istemektedir. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin\u00a0ve IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in sendikalara ili\u015fkin politikas\u0131ndan olduk\u00e7a\u00a0uzakt\u0131r. \u201cSol\u201d sendikalar\u0131n salonlar\u0131nda \u201csol\u201d s\u00f6ylevlerde bulunmak\u00a0Tro\u00e7kizmden uzak olsun!<\/p>\n Gene bir ba\u015fka T\u00fcrkiye \u201cTro\u00e7kist\u201di ak\u0131ma g\u00f6re zaten b\u00fct\u00fcn sendikalar\u00a0b\u00fcrokratik y\u00f6netimlere sahip olduklar\u0131ndan, bunlara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele\u00a0y\u00fcr\u00fctmek neredeyse burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctmekten bile daha\u00a0\u00f6nemlidir. Bunun sonucunda burjuvazilerle, h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerle ya da devletle\u00a0ayn\u0131 noktada bulu\u015fursunuz. Sendikal \u00a0b\u00fcrokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele\u00a0hi\u00e7bir zaman burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin yerini alamaz. T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f\u2019e\u00a0ba\u011fl\u0131 Hava-\u0130\u015f Sendikas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n son Genel Kurulunda ya\u015fanan tam da\u00a0budur. Nitekim kendini Tro\u00e7kist olarak niteleyen bir ekip, sendika\u00a0y\u00f6netimine duydu\u011fu nefretten dolay\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet yanl\u0131s\u0131 \u201csendikac\u0131lar\u201d\u0131n\u00a0hareketine \u00e7anak tutmu\u015f ve bunun sonucunda sendikan\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmetin\u00a0eline ge\u00e7mesinde pay\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Bu aynen, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte SSCB y\u00f6neticilerine k\u0131z\u0131p, emperyalistlerle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yaparak \u00fclkeyi kapitalistlere\u00a0terk etmeye benzeyen bir tav\u0131rd\u0131r ve kesinlikle onanamayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi\u00a0Tro\u00e7kizmle de uzak yak\u0131n hi\u00e7bir ili\u015fkisi yoktur.<\/p>\n Tro\u00e7kizm; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funun kendi eseri olaca\u011f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na\u00a0sonuna kadar ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fundan hi\u00e7bir ik\u00e2meci anlay\u0131\u015fa prim vermez.\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye sosyalist hareketinde \u00e7e\u015fitli tabu devrimciler vard\u0131r: Deniz\u00a0Gezmi\u015f, Mahir \u00c7ayan, Sinan Cemgil, \u0130brahim Kaypakkaya gibi.\u00a0Tro\u00e7kizm bu devrimcilerin hepsini burjuvaziye ve onun devletine\u00a0kar\u015f\u0131 ayr\u0131ms\u0131z olarak savunur, ama onlar\u0131n politik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel m\u00fccadele\u00a0y\u00f6ntemlerini kabul etmedi\u011fi gibi, bu y\u00f6ntemleri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ve\u00a0kitlelere \u00f6rnek olarak sunmaz. Bunu b\u00f6yle sunan T\u00fcrkiye \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201di\u00a0oport\u00fcnisttir. Burjuva devletine kar\u015f\u0131 sil\u00e2hl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi se\u00e7mi\u015f ve\u00a0bunun bedelini canlar\u0131yla \u00f6demi\u015f devrimciler kahramand\u0131rlar. Ama\u00a0proletaryan\u0131n bireysel kahramanlara ihtiyac\u0131 yoktur. Kitle m\u00fccadelesine\u00a0\u00f6nceli\u011fi tan\u0131mak Tro\u00e7kizmin ve tabii Marksizmin \u00f6nceli\u011fidir.\u00a0Hi\u00e7 unutmayal\u0131m, e\u011fer bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ileri unsurlar\u0131\u00a0bile m\u00fccadeleden bariz bir \u015fekilde geri duruyorsa, bunda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n\u00a0ve genel olarak \u201chalk\u201d\u0131n yerine kendini koyarak m\u00fccadele etmi\u015f olan\u00a0devrimcilerin de pay\u0131 vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n Daha \u00f6nce yukar\u0131da da ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak ifade ettik: T\u00fcrkiye Tro\u00e7kizmi Bununla birlikte, hi\u00e7bir hareket Marksist ele\u015ftiri sil\u00e2h\u0131n\u0131n alan\u0131\u00a0d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalamaz. Her ulusal hareket gibi K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin de\u00a0i\u00e7inde<\/strong> bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi<\/strong> ya\u015fan\u0131yor. \u00dcstelik bu s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u00a0sadece KDP ile PKK aras\u0131nda bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi de\u011fildir. KDP\u00a0emperyalizmin tamamen kontrol\u00fcnde bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme oldu\u011fundan onun\u00a0i\u00e7inde bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi yoktur, ama ayn\u0131 \u015fey PKK ve \u00e7evre \u00f6rg\u00fctleri\u00a0i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli de\u011fildir. PKK canl\u0131 ve modern bir \u00f6rg\u00fct oldu\u011fundan kendi\u00a0i\u00e7inde bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ya\u015famaktad\u0131r ve Tro\u00e7kizm bu m\u00fccadelede ku\u015fkusuz ki emperyalizmle hi\u00e7bir i\u015fbirli\u011fine yana\u015fmayacak olan\u00a0kesimlerin yan\u0131nda yer al\u0131r. Bu, K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi\u00a0\u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bir ulusal harekette emperyalizmle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapmak\u00a0isteyen kesimler de olacakt\u0131r. Biz ezen ulus kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda onlar\u0131 da destekleriz.\u00a0Ama ama\u00e7 ulusal m\u00fccadeleyle sosyal m\u00fccadeleyi birle\u015ftiren\u00a0kesimlerin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131d\u0131r. Zafer onlar\u0131n olacakt\u0131r. Tro\u00e7kizm onlar\u0131n\u00a0yan\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu yaz\u0131 kaba hatlar\u0131yla i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki di\u011fer uluslararas\u0131 ya da ulusal Tro\u00e7kist \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerden\u00a0politik farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Dergimizin bu\u00a0say\u0131s\u0131ndaki baz\u0131 yaz\u0131lar bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ayr\u0131nt\u0131land\u0131r\u0131yor. Dergimizin\u00a0bir dahaki say\u0131s\u0131nda bu yap\u0131larla \u00f6rg\u00fctsel anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131\u00a0\u00fczerinde durmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n — \u015eadi OZANS\u00dc T\u00fcrkiye devrimci Marksizmi 70\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131ndan, yani ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 andan itibaren bir t\u00fcr ortayolculuk ve \u201csolculuk\u201dla malul olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7ok gen\u00e7 bir hareket olarak ba\u015fta \u0130stanbul\u2019daki ve Ankara\u2019yla \u0130zmir\u2019deki \u00f6\u011frenci \u00e7evreleri i\u00e7inde boy g\u00f6steren Tro\u00e7kizm, ku\u015fkusuz bu alanda y\u00fcr\u00fcyen anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadelede hi\u00e7 de az\u0131msanmayacak bir yer tutmu\u015f, bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[139],"tags":[73,154,76,272],"class_list":["post-1038","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-47-sayi-kasim-2014","tag-ortayolculuk","tag-sadi-ozansu","tag-trockizm","tag-turkiye-devrimci-marksizmi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1038","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1038"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1038\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1570,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1038\/revisions\/1570"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1038"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1038"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1038"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Deutscherci \u201cTro\u00e7kizm\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n etkisi<\/h2>\n
T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc:<\/h2>\n
Geleneksel s\u0131n\u0131f partisi\/partilerinin yoklu\u011fu<\/h2>\n
\n\u201cEdinilmi\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini, muhakemelerini ve tarzlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak nesnel\u00a0durumun ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na uyarlanmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in kitlelere yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmak.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\nOrtayolculuk ve \u201csolcu\u201dluk y\u00fcz\u00fcnden
\nT\u00fcrkiye Tro\u00e7kizminin ka\u00e7\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck f\u0131rsat:
\n1991 Zonguldak B\u00fcy\u00fck Madenci Grevi
\nve Kitlesel \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi<\/h2>\nSendikalara ili\u015fkin Tro\u00e7kist yakla\u015f\u0131m<\/h2>\n
\u0130kamecilikle Tro\u00e7kizm\u00a0hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde ba\u011fda\u015fmaz<\/h2>\n
K\u00fcrt meselesinde Tro\u00e7kizm<\/h2>\n
\nK\u00fcrt meselesinde kendi do\u011fu\u015fundan itibaren son derece enternasyonalist\u00a0bir tutum alm\u0131\u015f, sadece kuru kuruya uluslar\u0131n kaderlerini tayin\u00a0hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunmakla yetinmemi\u015f, pratikte bunun yolunun nereden\u00a0ge\u00e7mesi gerekti\u011fini ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla \u00e7izmi\u015ftir. \u00dcstelik K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131\u00a0\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak birle\u015fik K\u00fcrt ulusunun, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019nun\u00a0\u00f6zg\u00fcr halklar\u0131yla uluslar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr birli\u011fi \u00fczerinden kurulacak bir birle\u015fik\u00a0K\u00fcrdistan olaca\u011f\u0131 ve bunun da Orta Do\u011fu \u00d6zg\u00fcr Cumhuriyetleri\u00a0Federasyonu i\u00e7inde yer alaca\u011f\u0131 tespitini yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\nSonu\u00e7<\/h2>\n