{"id":114,"date":"2011-02-11T16:22:14","date_gmt":"2011-02-11T16:22:14","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/?p=114"},"modified":"2014-02-05T23:42:15","modified_gmt":"2014-02-05T21:42:15","slug":"bankalar-ve-bayraklar-uluslararaslama-canda-milliyetcilik-sungur-savran","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/?p=114","title":{"rendered":"Bankalar ve bayraklar: Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda milliyet\u00e7ilik Sungur Savran"},"content":{"rendered":"

1992 y\u0131l\u0131, tarihin en b\u00fcy\u00fck ya\u011fma ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n 500. <\/span>y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcyd\u00fc. “Amerika’n\u0131n ke\u015ffi” olarak an\u0131lan bu tarihsel olay, “Fa-tihler”in \u00fclkesi \u0130spanya’da t\u00f6renlerle kutland\u0131. On y\u0131ld\u0131r sosyal demokrat bir h\u00fck\u00fcmetin y\u00f6netti\u011fi bu \u00fclkenin ba\u015f\u0131nda bir kral var. Kral\u0131n kar\u0131s\u0131 <\/span>Krali\u00e7e Sof\u0131a’n\u0131n 500. y\u0131l vesilesiyle Ekim ay\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmay\u0131 \u0130spanyol b\u00fcy\u00fck bas\u0131n\u0131 pek be\u011feniyor ve bu konu\u015fmadan al\u0131nt\u0131lar <\/span>yap\u0131yordu. Neydi “Majesteleri”nin pek \u00f6nemsenen mesaj\u0131 ? Kulak ve\u00ad<\/span>relim:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcne kadar insan toplumu hi\u00e7bir zaman topyek\u00fbn bir yokolu\u015fun tehdidi alt\u0131nda ya\u015famam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; bug\u00fcne kadar hi\u00e7bir zaman yery\u00fcz\u00fcnde <\/span>global (k\u00fcresel) sorunlarla global \u00f6l\u00e7ekte hesapla\u015fmas\u0131 gereken <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f bir insan toplumu varolmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu olgu yads\u0131namaz bir kesinlik ta\u015f\u0131yor, bu y\u00fczden de her t\u00fcr alarm sinyalinin neden <\/span>g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde \u00e7almaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131labilir hale geliyor: ekolojik <\/span>tehlikeler, kaynaklar\u0131n t\u00fckeni\u015fi, grevler, ekonomik resesyon, n\u00fckleer tehdit, d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar vb. vb.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

B\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bilimsel bilginin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan teknolojik ilerlemeden <\/span>kaynaklanan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn bu karma\u015f\u0131k ve dinamik d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkeler ve b\u00fct\u00fcn halklar kendimizi bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k du\u00ad<\/span>rumunda buluyoruz.1<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

“Majesteleri”nin grevleri n\u00fckleer tehdit ve ekolojik tehlikeler ile ayn\u0131 <\/span>solukta saym\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na tak\u0131lmazsak, burada hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz d\u00fcnya bur\u00ad<\/span>juvazisinin son d\u00f6nemde y\u0131ld\u0131z\u0131 parlayan yeni ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin en <\/span>temiz ifadelerinden birini buluyoruz. Globali\/m ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan bu yeni <\/span>ideolojik ak\u0131m\u0131n temelleri burada hayranl\u0131k verici derecede a\u00e7\u0131k ve se\u00e7ik <\/span>bi\u00e7imde ifadesini bulmu\u015f: de\u011fi\u015fen teknoloji, b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fen d\u00fcnya, so\u00ad<\/span>runlar\u0131n ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k – iki k\u0131sa paragrafta b\u00fct\u00fcn bun\u00ad<\/span>lara yer verilmi\u015f.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazinin bu yeni “enternasyonalizmi”nin hedefleri <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131k: emperyalizmin ekonomik ve politik hareketinde ulusal devletlerin <\/span>yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 engelleri ortadan kald\u0131rmak, b\u00f6ylece d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki em\u00ad<\/span>peryalist m\u00fcdahalelere (d\u00fcn Panama, Irak, bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrdistan, Somali, <\/span>yar\u0131n ba\u015fka \u00fclkeler) bir me\u015fruiyet temeli yaratmak.2<\/sup> Glohalizm bu <\/span>y\u00fczden ulusal devletlerin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7ti\u011fini kan\u0131tlama <\/span>\u00e7abas\u0131nda. Bu y\u00fczden d\u00fcnyan\u0131n global (k\u00fcresel) d\u00fczeyde t\u00fcm\u00fcyle <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fti\u011fi vurgulan\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ne var ki, b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ideolojik ama\u00e7larla geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f olan bu teorik <\/span>\u00e7er\u00e7evenin bo\u011faz\u0131na tak\u0131lan bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u0131l\u00e7\u0131k var. Globalizmin ulusal dev\u00adletlerin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n (ve modas\u0131n\u0131n) ge\u00e7ti\u011fini bu kadar g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde belirtti\u011fi d\u00f6nem, her t\u00fcrden milliyet\u00e7i hareketin d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kas\u0131p kavurdu\u011fu, uluslar\u0131n birbirinin bo\u011faz\u0131na sar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nem tam da. Bu <\/span>sorun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda globalizmin cevab\u0131, birazdan g\u00f6rece\u011fimiz gibi, mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ge\u00e7mi\u015fin, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n, hatta daha eski d\u00f6nemlerin ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir <\/span>kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 gibi sunmak. B\u00f6ylece, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n iki temel e\u011filimi, <\/span>sermayenin ve d\u00fcnya sisteminin uluslararas\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi ile uluslararas\u0131 politik d\u00fczende ya\u015fanan par\u00e7alanma ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnme, k\u0131saca s\u00f6yleyecek olur\u00ad<\/span>sak uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma ile onun kar\u015f\u0131 kutbunda yer alan partik\u00fclarizm3 <\/sup><\/span>birbirinden b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z <\/span>dinamikler haline geliyor, hatta bir\u00ad<\/span>birlerine d\u0131\u015fsal olarak kar\u015f\u0131t (antinomik) <\/span>olgular olarak sunuluyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Oysa g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n bu iki temel e\u011filimi, yani uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma <\/span>ile partik\u00fclarizm aras\u0131nda \u00e7ok s\u0131k\u0131 bir ba\u011flant\u0131 var: bunlar birbirlerine <\/span>d\u0131\u015fsal olarak kar\u015f\u0131t iki olgu olmak bir yana, kelimenin en ar\u0131 anlam\u0131nda diyalektik bir \u00e7eli\u015fkinin iki kanad\u0131 <\/span>olarak birbirlerini kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak belirliyor, geli\u015ftiriyor, ko\u015fulland\u0131r\u0131yorlar. Partik\u00fclarizm, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin bir kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 olmak bir yana, sermayenin hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda geli\u015fmekte olan bir uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcrecinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131da, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131 gereken yak\u0131c\u0131 sorunlar\u0131ndan biri <\/span>olan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin y\u00fckseli\u015fine bu \u00e7er\u00e7eve i\u00e7inde bir cevap getirmeye <\/span>\u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Milliyet\u00e7i dalga kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda globalizm<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

“Los Angeles’ten \u0130stanbul’a, Berlin’den Tokyo’ya… Globalle\u015fen <\/span>D\u00fcnyan\u0131n Dergisi.” T\u00fcrkiye’nin kozmopolit ayd\u0131nlan, \u00fc\u00e7 emperyalist merkezin b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerinin s\u0131raland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir dizi i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye’nin en\u00adtelekt\u00fcel ba\u015fkentinin ad\u0131n\u0131n da ge\u00e7mesinden ku\u015fkusuz b\u00fcy\u00fck mutluluk <\/span>duyacakt\u0131r. Art\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye’nin kozmopolit burjuva ayd\u0131nlan da em\u00ad<\/span>peryalist merkezlerde geli\u015fen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 pop\u00fcler bir \u00fcslup <\/span>i\u00e7inde h\u0131zla kendilerine aktaran bir dergiye kavu\u015fmu\u015f durumdalar: ken\u00addini yukanda aktanlan kelimelerle tan\u0131mlayan New Perspectives Qu-<\/span><\/span>arterly T\u00fcrkiye, <\/span>daha sentetik ve estetik ad\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak, ne kadar <\/span>“global” bir perspektife sahip oldu\u011funu ortaya koymuyor mu ? i\u015fte bu <\/span>dergi, birka\u00e7 ay \u00f6nce yay\u0131nlanan 3. say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 “Milliyet\u00e7ilik R\u00fczgarlan” ko\u00adnusuna ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015f. Burjuva bilim adamlar\u0131ndan (Isaiah Berlin, Robert <\/span>Reich, Lester Thurow vb.) kapitalistlere (Walt Disney \u015eirketi’nin ba\u015fkan\u0131 Michael Eisner), uluslararas\u0131 kurlu\u015flarda y\u00f6neticilik yapm\u0131\u015f <\/span>b\u00fcrokratlardan (eski BM genel sekreter yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Brian Urquhart, <\/span>UNESCO’nun genel m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc Federico Mayor, Prens Sadreddin A\u011fa Han) \u00e7e\u015fitli e\u011filimlerden devlet adamlanna (eski Almanya d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakan\u0131 <\/span>Genscher, italya d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakan\u0131 de Michelis, ispanya’n\u0131n sosyal de\u00ad<\/span>mokrat ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Felipe Gonzalez vb.) kadar bir dizi “se\u00e7kin” insan\u0131n <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine ba\u015fvurmu\u015f dergi. Globalizmin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn milliyet\u00e7ilik dal\u00ad<\/span>gas\u0131na bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kavrayabilmek i\u00e7in e\u015fi bulunmaz bir derleme.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Daha say\u0131n\u0131n ilk sayfalanndan, T\u00fcrkiye yay\u0131nc\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini <\/span>i\u00e7eren “Ge\u00e7mi\u015fe mi Gelece\u011fe mi ?” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 “T\u00fcrkiye Perspektifi” yaz\u0131s\u0131 <\/span>ile derginin Amerikal\u0131 yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmeni Nathan Gardels’in yorum yaz\u0131s\u0131 “Yeni Babil ve En Soylu Ac\u0131”, globalizmin g\u00fcncel milliyet\u00e7ilik dalgas\u0131na nas\u0131l bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla ortaya koyuyor. \u015eimdi bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ana hatlanyla <\/span>\u00f6zetleyelim.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

1) D\u00fcnya h\u0131zla b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeye gitmekte, ulusal devletin anlam\u0131 ortadan <\/span>kalkmaktad\u0131r. Sorunlar global \u00f6l\u00e7ekte \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bekledi\u011fine g\u00f6re, insan hak\u00ad<\/span>lar\u0131, \u00e7evreyi koruma vb. nedenlerle Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler’in, ulusal ege\u00ad<\/span>menli\u011fi k\u0131s\u0131tlayan bir m\u00fcdahale hakk\u0131 olmal\u0131 ve bu hak hukuki g\u00fcvence <\/span>alt\u0131na al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 zamanda BM y\u00fcr\u00fctme yetkisiyle ve askeri <\/span>yapt\u0131nm g\u00fcc\u00fcyle donat\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.4<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n

2)Ulusal devletlerin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7ti\u011fi iddias\u0131 ile “mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ilik r\u00fczgarlan” aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda globalizmin ilk ref\u00ad<\/span>leksi, d\u00fcnyay\u0131 ikiye b\u00f6lmektir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde iki uygarl\u0131k, “topra\u011f\u0131n uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla uydunun uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131” mevcuttur (Gardels): yani, T\u00fcrkiye <\/span>yay\u0131nc\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n deyi\u015fiyle “d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc milliyet\u00e7i ve etnik ayak\u00ad<\/span>lanmalarla ondokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 yeniden ya\u015farken \u00f6b\u00fcr b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de ulus-<\/span>devletin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesini, teknopollerin do\u011fu\u015funu ve uydu uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>ya\u015famaya ba\u015fl\u0131yor.”5<\/sup> B\u00f6ylece, d\u00fcnya, ulusal devletin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesiyle glo\u00ad<\/span>balle\u015fen bir alt b\u00fct\u00fcn ile h\u00e2l\u00e2 milliyet\u00e7ilikle i\u015ftigal eden bir ba\u015fka alt <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fcme b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcr. Burada globalizmin bir ilk \u00e7eli\u015fkisiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131r\u0131z: <\/span>ad\u0131n\u0131 yerk\u00fcreden alan globalizm (k\u00fcreselcilik) \u015fimdi “k\u0131smi globalizm” <\/span>gibi kavramsal bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi i\u00e7eren bir savunma hatt\u0131na \u00e7ekilmi\u015f ol\u00ad<\/span>maktad\u0131r !<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

3) Bu ikilik, beraberinde globalizmin milliyet\u00e7ilik hakk\u0131ndaki temel <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc de getirir. Milliyet\u00e7ilik “uydu uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131”nm gereklerine <\/span>t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ters d\u00fc\u015fer; ge\u00e7mi\u015fin, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bir kalmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden de <\/span>maddi temelleri yoktur, ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131 “manevi” d\u00fcrt\u00fclerin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.6<\/sup> Glo\u00ad<\/span>balizm, bu “\u00e7a\u011fd\u0131\u015f\u0131” karakteri dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz milliyet\u00e7iliklerine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseyici bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla “kabilecilik” (Frenk\u00e7e terimle “tribalism”) <\/span>ad\u0131n\u0131 takar.? Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, burjuva sosyal biliminde hakim metodoloji <\/span>olan modernle\u015fme teorisi ile birebir \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Bu teoriye g\u00f6re, toplumsal <\/span>de\u011fi\u015fim i\u00e7inde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni toplumsal ili\u015fki ve bi\u00e7imler, eskiyle tam <\/span>bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k i\u00e7inde a\u011f\u0131r a\u011f\u0131r onun aleyhine geli\u015fir. “Geleneksel” ad\u0131 ve\u00ad<\/span>rilen ili\u015fkiler nerede varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyorsa, “modern” olan orada yeteri <\/span>kadar k\u00f6k salamam\u0131\u015f demektir. Tersine, “modern” olan ne kadar <\/span>yay\u0131l\u0131rsa “geleneksel” olan o \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ortadan kalkar. Bu metodolojik <\/span>yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n do\u011frusal bir tarihsel geli\u015fme <\/span>anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.8<\/sup> Bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z konu \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00e7\u0131plak bi\u00e7imde ifade edilebilir: madem milliyet\u00e7ilik modernle\u015fmenin (yani bu durumda globalle\u015fmenin) yeterince yay\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr, o zaman neden son d\u00f6nemde globalle\u015fme s\u0131\u00e7ramah bir <\/span>geli\u015fme g\u00f6stermi\u015fken milliyet\u00e7ilik azalmak bir yana azm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(4) Nihayet, globalizmin milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 doldurmu\u015f bir ideoloji olarak sunmas\u0131, ampirik ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc kapatmas\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>gerekli hale getirir. Globalizme g\u00f6re milliyet\u00e7ilik b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i dev\u00ad<\/span>letlerinin ve azgeli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerin (“\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya”n\u0131n) <\/span>topra\u011f\u0131nda hayat bulur, “uydu uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131”n\u0131 ya\u015fayan geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist <\/span>\u00fclkelerde milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe hayat yoktur. Bu tezi en a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde NPQ’nun T\u00fcrkiye yay\u0131nc\u0131s\u0131 dile getiriyor: “Milliyet\u00e7i ayaklanmalarla u\u011fra\u015fanlar kimlerdir? Bug\u00fcne kadar totaliter y\u00f6netimlerin bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda ya\u015fayan ve\/veya ekonomik bak\u0131mdan geri kalm\u0131\u015f b\u00f6lgelerin halklar\u0131.9<\/sup> Amerikal\u0131 <\/span>yay\u0131n y\u00f6netmeni de milliyet\u00e7i hareketleri \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6rnekliyor: “S\u0131rplar, Lit-<\/span>vanyal\u0131lar, Tacikler, Ruslar, G\u00fcrc\u00fcler ya da Eritreliler…”10<\/sup> G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc <\/span>gibi ayn\u0131 k\u00fcmeler s\u00f6zkonusu. Milliyet\u00e7i hareketler aras\u0131nda emperyalist <\/span>\u00fclkelere yer yok. Bunun ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyan\u0131n verileriyle uyu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da g\u00f6rece\u011fiz.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Globalizmin milliyet\u00e7ilik konusundaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini b\u00f6ylece \u00f6zetlemi\u015f <\/span>oluyoruz. Art\u0131k esas konumuza, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin y\u00fckseli\u015finin <\/span>ard\u0131ndaki dinamiklerin incelenmesine ge\u00e7ebiliriz. Ama \u00f6nce sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecine k\u0131saca bakmam\u0131z yararl\u0131 olacak.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sermayenin Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Her ideoloji gibi globalizm de ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyan\u0131n belirli ve\u00e7helerini bir <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n (ya da ba\u015fka bir toplumsal grubun) \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yo\u00ad<\/span>rumlayarak belirli bir kal\u0131ba d\u00f6ker ve sistemle\u015f\u00fcrir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, her ide\u00adoloji gibi, globalizmin de b\u00fct\u00fcnsel yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli ger\u00e7ekler <\/span>k\u0131smi, \u00e7arp\u0131k ve tek yanl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde dile getirilir. Globalizm s\u00f6zkonusu <\/span>oldu\u011funda, bu k\u0131smi, tek yanl\u0131 ger\u00e7eklerin en \u00f6nemlisi \u015fudur: sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcrecinde \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan bu yana ya\u015fanan <\/span>dev boyutlu geli\u015fmeler, tek bir d\u00fcnya sistemini yaratarak tekil uluslar\u0131n hayat\u0131n\u0131 her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha fazla i\u00e7ice sokmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi, somut g\u00f6stergeleriyle T\u00fcrkiye insan\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131nda bile o kadar a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fclebiliyor ki konu \u00fczerinde uzun uzad\u0131ya durman\u0131n bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>ama\u00e7lar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan gere\u011fi yok. Sadece, uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n boyutlar\u0131 <\/span>hakk\u0131nda bir fikir verebilmesi ve sermayenin tarihsel geli\u015fiminin ya\u00ad<\/span>ratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin daha elle tutulur bi\u00e7imde farkedilebilmesi i\u00e7in birka\u00e7 <\/span>noktaya de\u011finmek yararl\u0131 olacak.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Birincisi, sermaye daha y\u00fckseli\u015finin \u015fafa\u011f\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak ye-<\/span>niden\u00fcretiminin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda geli\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelmi\u015f olsa <\/span>bile (Amerika’n\u0131n talan\u0131, Hindistan’\u0131n boyunduruk alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131, Af\u00ad<\/span>rika’n\u0131n k\u00f6lele\u015ftirilmesi, daha ilk birikimin bile d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda me\u00ad<\/span>kanizmalar yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor), emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda ulus\u00ad<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fma daha \u00f6nce ancak marjinal olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda <\/span>ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Daha \u00f6nce sermayenin Bat\u0131 Avrupa’daki anavatan\u0131yla <\/span>d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan y\u00f6releri aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik al\u0131\u015fveri\u015f esas olarak <\/span>metalar\u0131n dola\u015fmayla, yani ticaretle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kal\u0131rken, emperyalizm <\/span>\u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda sermaye ihrac\u0131, yani sermayenin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u00f6n plana ge\u00e7er. Emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda, sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 bi\u00e7imi, banka kredilerinin, yani para sermayenin ulus\u00ad<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 iken, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda, emperyalizmin e\u011filimleri olgunla\u015ft\u0131k\u00e7a, \u00fcretim sermayesinin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 <\/span>belirleyici bi\u00e7im haline gelir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz kapitalizmine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran ve bu d\u00f6nemi 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yans\u0131ndan bile farkl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran olgu, \u00fcretimin <\/span>uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 <\/span>s\u00fcrecidir. Bu konuda \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek i\u00e7in s\u00f6z\u00fc <\/span>Amerikal\u0131 bir iktisat\u00e7\u0131ya b\u0131rakal\u0131m:<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin bir Amerikal\u0131, General Motors’dan bir Pantiac Le Mans <\/span>ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman uluslararas\u0131 bir al\u0131\u015fveri\u015f yapm\u0131\u015f oluyor. Otomobil i\u00e7in <\/span>General Motors’a \u00f6denen 20.000 dolar\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k 6.000 dolan el <\/span>eme\u011fi ve montaj i\u00e7in G\u00fcney Kore’ye, 3.500 dolan motor ve elekt\u00adronik ayg\u0131tlar gibi geli\u015fmi\u015f par\u00e7alar i\u00e7in Japonya’ya, 1.500 dolar\u0131 <\/span>model ve \u00e7izim m\u00fchendisli\u011fi i\u00e7in Bat\u0131 Almanya’ya, 800 dolan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck <\/span>par\u00e7alar i\u00e7in Tayvan ve Singapur’a, 500 dolan pazarlama i\u00e7in <\/span>\u0130ngiltere’ye, 100 dolan bilgi i\u015flemleri i\u00e7in Barbados ya da irlanda’ya <\/span>gidiyor. Kalan 7.600 dolar ise Detroit’teki strateji uzmanlar\u0131, New <\/span>York’taki banker ve avukatlar, Washington’da \u015firketin lobisini ya\u00ad<\/span>panlar, \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki sigorta elemanlar\u0131 ve General Motors hisse sa\u00adhipleri aras\u0131nda payla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor \u2014 bunlann \u00e7o\u011fu ABD’de ya\u015famakla bir\u00ad<\/span>likte, aralar\u0131nda yabanc\u0131 uyruklu olanlann say\u0131s\u0131 giderek art\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00dcretim sermayesinin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra ve b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ona e\u015flik eden bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak para-sermaye de uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmaktad\u0131r. <\/span>Bu olgunun bankalar\u0131n, kredinin, borsalar\u0131n, finans ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ulus\u00ad<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 gibi \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli ve\u00e7heleri olmakla birlikte en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 <\/span>y\u00f6nlerinden biri (ve daha sonra ele alaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerden birine \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutan bir etken) d\u00f6viz borsalar\u0131nda i\u015fleme giren para-sermayenin bo\u00adyutlar\u0131d\u0131r. Ernest Mandel’in verdi\u011fi rakamlara g\u00f6re, her g\u00fcn d\u00fcnya d\u00f6viz <\/span>piyasalar\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kan y\u00fczer gezer paran\u0131n ortalama miktar\u0131 3 trilyon dolar <\/span>civar\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu g\u00fcnl\u00fck miktar, uluslararas\u0131 ticaretin y\u0131ll\u0131k hacmine <\/span>e\u015fittir! Asl\u0131nda uluslararas\u0131 kurulu\u015flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bile verilen rakamlar sa\u00addece birer tahmindir, kesin miktar hi\u00e7 kimse taraf\u0131ndan bilinmemektedir. <\/span>Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Mandel’in de vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, miktar\u0131 bilinmeyen bir\u015feyin <\/span>denetim alt\u0131nda tutulabilmesi s\u00f6zkonusu bile de\u011fildir.13<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ticarette, para dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda ve \u00fcretimde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan dev boyutlu ulus-<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fma, d\u00fcnya ekonomisini b\u00fct\u00fcn ulusal ekonomilerin i\u00e7inde <\/span>eridi\u011fi bir kazan haline getirir. Tek bir d\u00fcnya ekonomisi, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin <\/span>ekonomik hayat\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen temel etken niteli\u011fini her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha <\/span>fazla kazanmaktad\u0131r. Art\u0131k hi\u00e7bir \u00fclkenin kapitalistlerinin ve devletinin <\/span>ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerdeki geli\u015fmeleri ikincil \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan geli\u015fmeler olarak <\/span>g\u00f6rmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u00d6rne\u011fin ABD Kuzey Irlanda’daki ulusal <\/span>m\u00fccadeleye yaln\u0131zca m\u00fcttefiki \u0130ngiltere’nin bir sorunu oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in ilgi duymakla yetinemez; Kuzey \u0130rlanda sorunu ayn\u0131 zamanda ABD bur\u00ad<\/span>juvazisini do\u011frudan do\u011fruya ilgilendirir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bug\u00fcn bu politik birimin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki s\u0131nai i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn % 11’i Amerikan \u015firketleri taraf\u0131ndan <\/span>istihdam edilmektedir.14<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ekonominin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bu ger\u00e7eklerinin d\u00fcnya bur\u00ad<\/span>juvazisini politik alanda yeni bir tak\u0131m uluslararas\u0131 yap\u0131lanmalara <\/span>y\u00f6neltmesi, globalizmin en temel beklentilerinden biridir. Ben bu sorunu iki a\u015famada ele almak istiyorum. \u00d6nce, politik alanda bu t\u00fcr bir e\u011filimin <\/span>en olgun ifadesi olan Avrupa Toplulu\u011fu’nu bu a\u00e7\u0131dan tart\u0131\u015farak bu <\/span>\u00f6rnekte politik yap\u0131lar\u0131n uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131r ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini or\u00ad<\/span>taya koymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m. Bunun ard\u0131ndan, tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 genelle\u015ftirerek <\/span>bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n ana tezini geli\u015ftirecek, uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma ile milliyet\u00e7ilik aras\u0131ndaki diyalektik ili\u015fkiyi a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Avrupa Toplulu\u011fu’nun \u00f6nemi ve s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Sermayenin uluslaras\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, politik alanda ulusal devletin ve mil\u00adliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde herhangi bir dinamik yarat\u0131yorsa, bug\u00fcn <\/span>bunun en ileri, en olgun bi\u00e7imi Avrupa Toplulu\u011fu’nda (AT) cisimle\u015fir. <\/span>Zaman i\u00e7inde de\u011fi\u015fen adlar\u0131n\u0131n da g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc AT <\/span>ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta sadece bir Ortak Pazar’d\u0131. Sonra ekonomik b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme <\/span>ba\u015fka alanlara yay\u0131l\u0131nca Avrupa Ekonomik Toplulu\u011fu (AET) ad\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131. Nihayet, politik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kayna\u015fma da toplulu\u011fun hedefleri aras\u0131na gi\u00ad<\/span>rince AT ad\u0131 benimsendi. B\u00f6ylece modern tarihte yepyeni bir deneyim or\u00ad<\/span>taya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu: ulusal devletler \u00fcst\u00fcnde yer alan bir devlet birimi, hen\u00fcz s\u00fcre\u00e7 tamamlanmaktan uzak olsa bile, ufukta bir ihtimal olarak <\/span>g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcyordu.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

AT olgusu globalizmi b\u00fcy\u00fcler. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yeni uluslar\u00fcst\u00fc devlet tasla\u011f\u0131, globalizmin en az\u0131ndan geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerde ulusal devletlerin <\/span>art\u0131k g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc doldurmu\u015f oldu\u011fu tezinin ya\u015fayan bir \u00f6rne\u011fi gibidir. Son <\/span>d\u00f6nemde, ABD, Kanada ve Meksika aras\u0131nda imzalanan NAFTA (Kuzey Amerika Serbest Ticaret B\u00f6lgesi) s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi bile, politik bir birle\u015fme <\/span>iradesini i\u00e7ermeyen bir ticaret anla\u015fmas\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in bu t\u00fcr bir vaadi <\/span>hen\u00fcz ta\u015f\u0131mamaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

AT ulusal devletlerin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist alanda <\/span>a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu yolunda kan\u0131t olarak kullan\u0131labilir mi? Buna kesin <\/span>bi\u00e7imde hay\u0131r cevab\u0131n\u0131 vermek gerekir. Elbette, tarihi y\u00fczlerce y\u0131l geriye giden bir tak\u0131m devletlerin \u00fcst bir devlet biriminde birle\u015fmeleri ihtimali, <\/span>sadece kapitalist geli\u015fme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, ulus sorununun kapitalizmi a\u015fan enlernasyonalist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ilk tohumlann\u0131 i\u00e7ermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan <\/span>da d\u00fcnya tarihsel bir \u00f6neme sahiptir. Bu anlamda AT olgusunu, ve daha <\/span>da \u00f6nemlisi bu olgunun ard\u0131nda yatan uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma e\u011filimlerini <\/span>k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemek, uluslar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 ve kayna\u015faca\u011f\u0131 yeni bir d\u00fcnya i\u00e7in <\/span>m\u00fccadele eden enternasyonalistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u00f6rl\u00fck olur. Ama bu noktan\u0131n \u00f6neminin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdikten sonra tekrarlamam\u0131z gerekiyor: AT <\/span>olgusu, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde <\/span>ulusal devletlerin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00f6nemini yitirmi\u015f oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131na destek olarak kullan\u0131lamaz.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Her\u015feyden \u00f6nce \u015fundan dolay\u0131: AT’nun \u00f6zellikle Tek Yasa ve Ma-<\/span>astricht anla\u015fmalar\u0131yla g\u00fcndemine giren devletler\u00fcst\u00fc devletin <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi hi\u00e7bir bi\u00e7imde garanti alt\u0131nda de\u011fildir. Maastricht’in Da\u00ad<\/span>nimarka halk\u0131nca reddedilmesi, Fransa’da ise k\u0131l pay\u0131 ile onaylanm\u0131\u015f <\/span>olmas\u0131, gelecek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tehlike sinyalleri ise, 1992 sonbahar\u0131nda <\/span>ya\u015fanan para bunal\u0131m\u0131nda ortaklar\u0131n birbirine d\u00fc\u015fmesi, sermayenin <\/span>farkl\u0131 ulusal devletlerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f dilimlerinin aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin patlamal\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7arak AT projesinin ne kadar <\/span>k\u0131r\u0131lgan oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermi\u015ftir. Gerek para bunal\u0131m\u0131nda <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi ekonomik planda, gerekse K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131, Yugoslavya <\/span>bunal\u0131m\u0131 ve benzeri uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fmelerde g\u00f6zlendi\u011fi gibi politik <\/span>planda, AT’nu olu\u015fturan emperyalist devletler ulusal temellerde s\u00fcrekli olarak \u00e7eli\u015fki i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. \u00d6yleyse AT olgusundan hareketle ulu\u00ad<\/span>sal devletin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u015fimdiden a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmek, <\/span>en hafif deyimle aceleciliktir. E\u011filimler sadece e\u011filimlerdir; tun\u00e7tan bir <\/span>zorunlulukla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecekleri gibi bir garanti yoktur, kar\u015f\u0131 e\u011filimler <\/span>taraf\u0131ndan yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131labilirler. Yar\u0131n ulusal devletin ve mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ili\u011fin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelebilecek bir olguyu bug\u00fcn bu <\/span>e\u011filimlerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131na kan\u0131t g\u00f6stermek soyut bir ev\u00ad<\/span>rimcili\u011fin temel sorunuyla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r: somut ger\u00e7e\u011fi an\u00ad<\/span>layamamak.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ama esas \u00f6nemli olan bu de\u011fil. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc AT sadece bug\u00fcn <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde varolan ulusal engeller dolay\u0131s\u0131yla de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 <\/span>zamanda yar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fse bile <\/span>d\u00fcnya sistemi i\u00e7inde temsil edece\u011fi <\/span>konum bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da ulusal devletin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 <\/span>anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maz. Birka\u00e7 nedenden. Her\u015feyden \u00f6nce, AT bir proje ola\u00ad<\/span>rak sermayenin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda ulusal b\u00f6l\u00fcmlenmelerini a\u015fmay\u0131 de\u011fil, <\/span>lam tersine bu ulusal b\u00f6l\u00fcmlenmenin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00f6zg\u00fcl sorunu, irili <\/span>ufakl\u0131 bir\u00e7ok devlete b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f olan Avrupa burjuvazisinin devasa <\/span>\u00f6l\u00e7ekte bir devlete (ve i\u00e7 ekonomiye) sahip ABD burjuvazisi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda <\/span>d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc rekabet zaaf\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmeyi hedefler. Yani burada burjuvazinin ulu\u00ad<\/span>sal devletler d\u00fczeyinde b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc veri olarak al\u0131n\u0131r; yaln\u0131zca <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fcnme \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde varolan g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinin de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi hedeflenir. E\u011fer AT, b\u00fct\u00fcn badireleri atlatarak devletler\u00fcst\u00fc bir devlet olarak ku\u00ad<\/span>rulabilse bile bu yeni devlet yeni bir ulusal devlet karakteri ta\u015f\u0131yacak ve <\/span>bu karakterini zaman i\u00e7inde y\u00f6netti\u011fi topluma da a\u015f\u0131layacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bir\u00e7ok ulusu bir araya getiren bir devletin bir “ulusal devlet” olarak <\/span>an\u0131lmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilir. Ama b\u00f6yle bir \u00f6nermeye tepki <\/span>g\u00f6stermeden \u00f6nce, \u015fu soruyu sormakta yarar var: bug\u00fcn herkesin birer <\/span>“ulus-devlet” olarak and\u0131\u011f\u0131 ispanya, Britanya ya da Fransa ne anlamda <\/span>birer ulusal devlet oluyor ? Ayr\u0131nt\u0131ya girmeden hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m ki, <\/span>\u0130spanya’da ispanyollar\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra kendilerini birer ulus olarak kabul eden Katalan, Bask ve Gali\u00e7ya halklar\u0131, Britanya’da ingilizlerin yan\u0131s\u0131ra ayr\u0131 <\/span>uluslar olduklar\u0131n\u0131 kimsenin tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 bile akl\u0131na getirmedi\u011fi isko\u00e7lar, <\/span>Galliler ve \u0130rlandal\u0131lar, Fransa’da ise Bretonlardan Korsikal\u0131lara kadar bir halklar ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ya\u015far. \u00d6rne\u011fin Frans\u0131z ulusu diye bilinen ulus ger\u00e7ekte <\/span>Frans\u0131z devriminden sonra Frans\u0131z devleti taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.15 <\/sup><\/span>E\u011fer AT’nun devletler\u00fcst\u00fc bir devlet olarak kurulu\u015fu ba\u015far\u0131yla ta\u00ad<\/span>mamlan\u0131rsa, bu yeni devlet de, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok, ony\u0131llara yay\u0131lacak bir <\/span>s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde kendi “Avrupa” ulusunu yaratacakt\u0131r. \u015eu sonuca var\u0131yoruz: “ulus-devlet” gibi uygunsuz bir adla an\u0131lan mevcut devletleri o devletten <\/span>ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak her zaman varolmu\u015f bir ulusal \u00f6z\u00fcn temsilcisi olarak <\/span>kabul etmek, milliyet\u00e7i ideolojinin “ulus” kavram\u0131n\u0131 feti\u015fle\u015ftiren <\/span>tuza\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmektir. “Ulus-devlet”, \u00f6z\u00fc itibar\u0131yla, yaln\u0131zca burjuvazinin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin par\u00e7al\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir ifadesidir, \u00f6yleyse, AT bu par\u00e7al\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 devam ettiren, \u00fcstelik emperyalistler aras\u0131 re\u00ad<\/span>kabeti ve m\u00fccadeleyi k\u0131z\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran yap\u0131s\u0131yla ulusal devletin ve (emperyalist) <\/span>milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tutsa\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130kincisi, globalizmin g\u00f6zbebe\u011fi AT, ba\u015fka bir a\u00e7\u0131dan da, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi <\/span>a\u015fmak bir yana, tersine resmi \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kurumla\u015ft\u0131ran bir dinami\u011fe sa\u00ad<\/span>hiptir. AT’nu olu\u015fturan oniki \u00fclke, kendi aralar\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 ad\u0131m ad\u0131m <\/span>ilga ederken bir yandan da Toplulu\u011fun d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki d\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 bir korunma konumunu be\u00ad<\/span>nimsemektedir. \u0130\u00e7 s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kald\u0131rmay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren Tek Yasa’n\u0131n kabul\u00fcn\u00fcn <\/span>hemen ard\u0131ndan imzalanan Schengen Antla\u015fmas\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn azgeli\u015fmi\u015f <\/span>uluslar\u0131n \u00fcyelerine Avrupa’n\u0131n kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131 kapat\u0131r. Berlin <\/span>Duvan’n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Avrupa, ku\u015fatma alt\u0131nda bir kale gibi <\/span>etraf\u0131na yeni bir duvar \u00f6r\u00fcyor.1<\/sup>^ Bu duvar\u0131n malzemesi \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. Mil\u00ad<\/span>is Modem bir olgu olan ulus olgusunun olu\u015fum tarihi, \u00f6zellikle de etnik grup, dil, din vb. <\/span>tarihsel etkenlerle ili\u015fkisi \u00e7ok karma\u015f\u0131k ve derinlemesine tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir sorun. Burada bu tart\u0131\u015fmaya giremeyece\u011fimiz a\u00e7\u0131k. Yine de, erbab\u0131n\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f bir izlenim edin\u00ad<\/span>mesini engellemek i\u00e7in belirteyim: Benedict Anderson’un T\u00fcrk\u00e7e’de yak\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanacak son derecede ilgin\u00e7 kitab\u0131nda ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tezle, yani uluslar\u0131n “muhayyel” hayal edilmi\u015f <\/span>topluluklar oldu\u011fu teziyle benim burada s\u00f6ylediklerim aras\u0131nda tek bir noktada ortakl\u0131k var. Ortakl\u0131k, uluslar\u0131n olu\u015fumunun, etnik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, “\u0131rksal” vb. etkenlerle hi\u00e7bir zorunlu ba\u011f ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda. Zorunlu bir ba\u011f\u0131n olmamas\u0131, olumsal, yani tarihsel hareketin di\u00ad<\/span>yalekti\u011finin somut olarak belirledi\u011fi bir ba\u011f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmiyor elbette. An-<\/span>derson’dan ayr\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131m yer, uluslar\u0131n olu\u015fumunda sosyo-ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n belirleyici bir <\/span>yer tuttu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmem. Bu anlamda, ulus “tahayy\u00fcl” edilen bir\u015fey olmaktan uzak, verili maddi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n, ba\u015fka co\u011frafyalar\u0131n toplumlar\u0131 \u00f6teki uluslar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geli\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in verilen bir m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde ad\u0131m ad\u0131m yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir ger\u00e7eklik. Elbette ulusal ideoloji bir <\/span>kolektif “tahayy\u00fcl” \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselir. Ama hangi ideoloji b\u00f6yle de\u011fildir ? Anderson ulusun sosyo-politik ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ile ideolojisini birbirine indirgiyor. Bk. B.Anderson, Imagined <\/span>Communities, Verso, Londra, 1983, tamam\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Milliyet\u00e7ilik g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc doldurduysa, neo-Nazi \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 tamamlayan bu resmi \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k neden ?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

AT’nun ulusal devletin ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin art\u0131k a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funa da\u00ad<\/span>yanak olarak g\u00f6sterilemeyece\u011fini kan\u0131tlayan \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir olgu daha var: <\/span>Avrupa Toplulu\u011fu i\u00e7inde hemen hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerde gittik\u00e7e <\/span>\u015fiddetlenen milliyet\u00e7ilik ak\u0131mlar\u0131. K\u0131sa bir tarama, Britanya’da y\u00fcz y\u0131ld\u0131r <\/span>s\u00fcregiden \u0130rlanda sorununa \u015fimdi \u00eesko\u00e7ya ve Galler’de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ta\u00ad<\/span>lebini bile g\u00fcndeme getiren milliyet\u00e7i hareketlerin eklendi\u011fini, \u0130spanya’da s\u00fcrekli kanayan bir yara olan Bask sorununun yan\u0131s\u0131ra \u00f6zellikle son <\/span>y\u0131llarda Katalan ve Gali\u00e7ya milliyet\u00e7iliklerinin yeniden canland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, <\/span>Fransa’da Korsikal\u0131lar\u0131n silaha sar\u0131lacak kadar tepki i\u00e7inde olduklar\u0131n\u0131, Bretonlardan Oksitanlara kadar bir\u00e7ok halk\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimliklerini ye\u00ad<\/span>niden ke\u015ffetmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Bel\u00e7ika’da ise Frans\u0131zca konu\u015fan Va-<\/span>lonlar ile Hollandal\u0131larla akraba olan Flamanlar aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelenin her ge\u00e7en y\u0131l daha keskin bir nitelik kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterecektir, i\u015fte mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ili\u011fin g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc doldurmu\u015f oldu\u011fu bir d\u00fcnya ! Ger\u00e7ekte bu mil\u00adliyet\u00e7iliklerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi ne raslant\u0131d\u0131r, ne de AT’nun geli\u015fmesinden <\/span>ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zd\u0131r. Tam tersine, milliyet\u00e7i taleplerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi do\u011frudan <\/span>do\u011fruya AT’nun geli\u015fmesinin, yani uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ama \u015fimdilik burada dural\u0131m. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc AT i\u00e7indeki milliyet\u00e7ilikler, te\u00ad<\/span>melleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz milliyet\u00e7iliklerinin bir\u00e7o\u011fu ile ortak di\u00ad<\/span>namiklere sahip. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla art\u0131k AT ile ilgili tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ba\u011flayarak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde genel olarak milliyet\u00e7i hareketlerin y\u00fckseli\u015fini a\u00e7\u0131klamaya <\/span>ge\u00e7memiz gerekiyor. AT ile ilgili tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle noktalayabiliriz. <\/span>Marx, hisse senetli \u015firketlerin \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde ilgas\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti.17<\/sup> Benzer bir s\u00f6yleyi\u015fle \u015f\u00f6yle di\u00ad<\/span>yebiliriz: AT, ulusal devletin ulusal devletin belirledi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde <\/span>a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Hisse senetli \u015firketler nas\u0131l 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lda sermayenin en <\/span>uygun varolu\u015f bi\u00e7imi haline geldiyse, e\u011fer kurulu\u015fu ba\u015far\u0131yla ta\u00ad<\/span>mamlanabilirse (e\u011fer!), AT da ulusal burjuva devletinin 21. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki en uygun bi\u00e7imi olmaya adayd\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak milliyet\u00e7ilik<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Globalizmin hayallerinin tersine, bir devletler\u00fcst\u00fc devletin kurulmas\u0131 yo\u00adlunda ad\u0131mlar\u0131n at\u0131lmakta oldu\u011fu Avrupa’da bile, ulusal devletin ve mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00f6l\u00fcm ferman\u0131n\u0131 imzalaman\u0131n yersiz oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f bu\u00ad<\/span>lunuyoruz. Ama hen\u00fcz milliyet\u00e7ilik globalizmin hareket noktas\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>olu\u015fturan uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcrecinin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda d\u0131\u015fsal <\/span>bir engel gibi <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Hen\u00fcz bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n temel tezini olu\u015fturan noktay\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmad\u0131k. <\/span>Bu nokta \u015fu: g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, globalizmin en se\u00e7kin co\u011frafi alan\u0131 olan Av\u00adrupa’da bile y\u00fckselmekte olan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin temel dinami\u011fi, ulus\u00ad<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcrecinin kendisinde yatar. Globalizmin diliyle s\u00f6yleyecek <\/span><\/span>olursak, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin mezar\u0131n\u0131 kazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen k\u00fcreselle\u015fme,\u00a0 <\/span><\/span>kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n hakim oldu\u011fu bir d\u00fcnyada, tam aksine, <\/span>milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00fcredi\u011fi yatakt\u0131r. <\/span>Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, emperyalist ka\u00ad<\/span>pitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme tam kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i par-<\/span>tikUlarizmi harekete ge\u00e7irir. \u00d6yleyse, uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma ve milliyet\u00e7ilik <\/span>kapitalizmde ayn\u0131 diyalektik \u00e7eli\u015fkinin kar\u015f\u0131t kutuplar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Anla\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fi gibi, bu s\u00f6ylenenlerin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ilikleri, globalizm parspektifinde g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, 19.y\u00fczy\u0131ldan <\/span>kal\u0131nt\u0131 olarak devral\u0131nan, g\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131yla ili\u015fkisi olmayan, arkayik, ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131 d\u00fcrt\u00fclerin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildir. Tam tersine modern bir olgunun, ka\u00ad<\/span>pitalizmin en son geli\u015fme e\u011filimlerini ifade eden uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma <\/span>s\u00fcrecinin uyard\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendisi de modern bir olgudur. Elbette bunu milliyet\u00e7i ideolojinin gerili\u011finin ya da ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na koymamak gerekir. Milliyet\u00e7ilik kendi mant\u0131\u011f\u0131nda i\u00e7erdi\u011fi d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, ideolojik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, tek bir sistem haline gelmi\u015f modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yer al\u0131r. Ama ideolojinin arkayikli\u011fi milliyet\u00e7i hareketlerin <\/span>ard\u0131nda son derecede iyi tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f g\u00fcncel maddi \u00e7\u0131karlar olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>anlam\u0131na gelmez. \u0130\u015fte tam da bu maddi \u00e7\u0131karlard\u0131r ki, ony\u0131llar boyunca <\/span>bir\u00e7ok toplumun ba\u011f\u0131mda uyuyakalm\u0131\u015f olan milliyet\u00e7i ideolojiyi yeniden <\/span>ayakland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sorun ba\u015fka bir bi\u00e7imde de ifade edilebilir: tan\u0131\u015fma <\/span>konusu olan, farkl\u0131 ulusal gruplar aras\u0131nda tarihten kaynaklanan sorunlar <\/span>olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ulusal kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar, hatta d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar hemen <\/span>hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumlar\u0131n ba\u011fr\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr elbette. Ermenilerle Azeriler, H\u0131rvatlarla Suplar, Valonlarla Flamanlar aras\u0131nda \u00f6teki etnik, ulusal gruba y\u00f6nelik korku, ku\u015fku, nefret hatta kin <\/span>duygulan hi\u00e7bir zaman t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ortadan kalkmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sorun \u015fudur: <\/span>ge\u00e7mi\u015ften beri varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren bu ulusal \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar, neden bug\u00fcn bir\u00addenbire evrensel bi\u00e7imde patlak vermi\u015ftir ? Neden d\u00fcn de\u011fil de bug\u00fcn ? <\/span>Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi sadece ideoloji d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki ifadesiyle kavrayan glo-<\/span>balizmin bu soruya doyurucu bir cevab\u0131 yoktur. Oysa milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin <\/span>bug\u00fcnk\u00fc y\u00fckseli\u015fini somut <\/span>olarak a\u00e7\u0131klamak istiyorsak bu soruya cevap <\/span>vermek zorunday\u0131z.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(1) Varolan ulusal devletlerin bunal\u0131m\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma ile milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin kar\u015f\u0131t kutuplar halinde olu\u015fturdu\u011fu <\/span>\u00e7eli\u015fkinin dinami\u011fini kavrayabilmek i\u00e7in, \u00f6nce sermayenin ulus-<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n varolan ulusal devletler \u00fczerindeki etkisini ele <\/span>almam\u0131z gerekiyor. Her \u00fclkenin, farkl\u0131 derecelerde de olsa, d\u00fcnya eko\u00ad<\/span>nomisiyle ticaret, para-sermaye ak\u0131mlar\u0131 ve \u00fcretim alanlar\u0131nda artan <\/span>\u00f6l\u00e7ekte b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi, varolan devletlerin, ekonomik ya\u015fam\u0131n birer bi\u00ad<\/span>rimi olarak \u00f6nemine ciddi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde t\u0131rpan vurur. Artan uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma sonucunda, ge\u00e7mi\u015fte bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kendi i\u00e7inde b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f olan i\u00e7 pazar <\/span>ili\u015fkileri yerini ekonominin farkl\u0131 kesimlerinin do\u011frudan d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyayla kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkilere terketmeye ba\u015flar. Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 daha da \u00fcst <\/span>d\u00fczeye \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 hedefleyen yeni-liberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131, devletin <\/span>ekonomik hayatta kaynaklann yeniden da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 konusundaki i\u015flevlerini daraltarak bu geli\u015fmeye ek bir katk\u0131da bulunur. Vaktiyle devletin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck <\/span>faiz politikas\u0131, g\u00fcmr\u00fck duvarlar\u0131 ve benzeri y\u00f6ntemlerle sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u00ad<\/span>ruma a\u011f\u0131ndan yararlanmakta olan \u00e7e\u015fitli sermaye dilimlerinin devletten <\/span>elde edebilece\u011fi \u00e7\u0131karlar s\u0131n\u0131rlanmaya ba\u015flar. Yine yeni-liberal po\u00adlitikalar\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak, emperyalist \u00fclkelerde “refah devleti” olarak <\/span>an\u0131lan18<\/sup> politikalara son verilmesi ve sosyal harcamalarda k\u0131s\u0131nt\u0131ya gi\u00addilmesi, varolan ulusal devletin emek\u00e7ilere verebilece\u011fi \u015feylerin de azal\u00admas\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar. (“Refah devleti”nin bir karikat\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn varoldu\u011fu az\u00ad<\/span>geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerde ise bu, zaten g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 d\u00fczeyde olan sosyal harcamalar\u0131n iyice budanmas\u0131 sonucunu yarat\u0131r.)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece farkl\u0131 toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 nedenlerden kay\u00ad<\/span>naklansa da, toplumun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, varolan ulusal dev\u00ad<\/span>letin bir yeniden b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm mercii olarak \u00e7ekim g\u00fcc\u00fc azal\u0131r. E\u011fer <\/span>s\u00f6zkonusu ulusal devlet farkl\u0131 “\u0131rksal”, etnik, ulusal, dinsel gruplar\u0131n bi-rarada ya\u015famakta oldu\u011fu bir politik birimse, bu farkl\u0131 gruplar\u0131 ortak bir <\/span>devlete ba\u011flayan ba\u011flar da o \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde zay\u0131flar. Bunun sonucunda o g\u00fcne <\/span>dek arka planda kalm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6zel hayat alan\u0131na ricat etmi\u015f, hatta uyu\u00ad<\/span>yakalm\u0131\u015f olan etnik vb. kimlik yeni bir \u00f6nem kazanmaya, kamu alan\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>ve politikay\u0131 i\u015fgal etmeye ba\u015flar. K\u0131sacas\u0131: uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n <\/span>a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 devlete ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n azalmas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde, ulusal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar po\u00adlitik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n konusu haline gelir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcreci somut \u00f6rnekler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla canland\u0131rmak olanakl\u0131d\u0131r. Ele al\u0131nabilecek say\u0131s\u0131z \u00f6rnek aras\u0131ndan \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcne de\u011finelim, ikinci sava\u015f son\u00ad<\/span>ras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde \u00f6rnek Ulusal Sa\u011fl\u0131k Sistemi ile “refah devleti” uy\u00ad<\/span>gulamalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u00f6n s\u0131ralarda yer alm\u0131\u015f olan Britanya’da, 1979’dan iti\u00ad<\/span>baren Thatcherizm’in taarruzu alt\u0131nda emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim, <\/span>emeklilik, konut, i\u015fsizlik sigortas\u0131 alanlar\u0131nda her ge\u00e7en y\u0131lla kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f <\/span>haklar\u0131n\u0131 daha fazla yitirdiler. Devletin sosyal harcamalar\u0131 toplumun yok\u00ad<\/span>sul kesimleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan her zaman daha fazla \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, Bri\u00ad<\/span>tanya’n\u0131n g\u00f6reli olarak daha fazla \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc i\u00e7indeki b\u00f6lgeleri olan Isko\u00e7ya <\/span>ve Galler’de k\u0131s\u0131nt\u0131lar daha da b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunlar yaratt\u0131. Zaten y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r <\/span>ingilizlerle huzursuz bir birlik i\u00e7inde ya\u015famakta olan isko\u00e7lar ve Galliler i\u00e7in, Britanya devletinin \u00e7ekicili\u011fi azald\u0131k\u00e7a, milliyet\u00e7i bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kulak <\/span>verenlerin saflar\u0131 kalabal\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131. (Bu \u00f6rnekte AT’nun ek bir \u00f6nemi var, <\/span>buna d\u00f6nece\u011fiz.) Sonu\u00e7 \u015fu: 1992 y\u0131l\u0131 i\u00e7inde kamuoyu yoklamalar\u0131 <\/span>\u0130sko\u00e7lar\u0131n % 30’unun tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan, % <\/em>45’inin ise isko\u00e7 par\u00ad<\/span>lamentosunu i\u00e7eren bir \u00f6zerklikten yana oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor.19<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ayn\u0131 ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctmeyi, Kanada’dan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fmak i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele ver\u00ad<\/span>mekte olan Quebec ya da benzeri ba\u015fka \u00f6rnekler i\u00e7in \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmek <\/span>m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Ama \u00e7ok daha ilgin\u00e7 bir \u00f6rnek var: Hindistan. 800 milyon <\/span>insan\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131, onlarca dilin konu\u015fuldu\u011fu, Hindularm, <\/span>M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n, Sinlerin dinsel geleneklerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, birbirine kapal\u0131 kastlara b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f bu \u00f6zg\u00fcn ulusal devlet, \u00fclkede h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren yoksulluk ve sefalete ra\u011fmen bir \u00f6zelli\u011fe sahipti: ekonomide \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck bir devlet kesimi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kaynaklar\u0131n da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde denetleniyor ve <\/span>farkl\u0131 etnik, dinsel vb. topluluklar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkileri dengede tutmak amac\u0131yla kullan\u0131l\u0131yordu. Ne var ki, 1970’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131ndan itibaren <\/span>ilk ad\u0131mlan at\u0131lan bir yeni y\u00f6neli\u015f 80’li y\u0131llarda h\u0131zlanarak s\u00fcrecek, yeni-liberalizm Hindistan’da ekonomi politikas\u0131na hakim olacakt\u0131. Bu, eski <\/span>dengelerin sars\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7\u00fc. 80’li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonuna gelindi\u011finde, Pen-cap’ta Sinlerle Hindular, ba\u015fka eyaletlerde ise Hindularla M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar, <\/span>insan\u0131 \u015fa\u015fk\u0131na \u00e7eviren mezhep ve din kavgalar\u0131nda (Ayodhya’daki Bab\u00fcr <\/span>\u015eah camisinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi) hi\u00e7bir kutsal de\u011fer <\/span>tan\u0131madan birbirlerinin bo\u011faz\u0131na sanld\u0131ysa, bunun ard\u0131nda federal Hint <\/span>devletinin birlik ve b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn art\u0131k farkl\u0131 gruplar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan eski <\/span>\u00e7ekim g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yitirmesi yatar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131 yaz\u0131l\u0131rken \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00fcndem <\/span>gazetesinde yay\u0131nlanan bir haber-<\/span>yorum, yukar\u0131da s\u00f6ylenenlerin bir kent \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde canl\u0131 bir <\/span>do\u011frulanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rneklemektedir. Burada anlat\u0131lan diyalektik, yani pi\u00ad<\/span>yasan\u0131n ve kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesinin etnik ve cemaat\u00e7i m\u00fccadeleleri <\/span>k\u00f6r\u00fcklemesi olgusu, \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00fcndemin \u0130ngiliz The Independent <\/span>ga\u00ad<\/span>zetesinden aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 haberin ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na bile yans\u0131yor: “Surat: Vah\u015fi ka\u00ad<\/span>pitalizmin, etnik kavgalar\u0131 alevlendirdi\u011fi bir kent”.20<\/sup> Hindistan’\u0131n Gucerat <\/span>eyaletinde orta boy bir kent olan Surat, The Independent <\/span>muhabirinin <\/span>anlat\u0131m\u0131yla, farkl\u0131 dinden insanlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcyle kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imde <\/span>ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kent. \u015e\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor yazar:<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Gucerat eyaletinin ilgin\u00e7 bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fik dinden insanlar\u0131n ayn\u0131 <\/span>soyad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131…Yani \u00f6teki eyaletlerdeki gibi ad ya da soyad\u0131ndan bir insan\u0131n dinini \u00e7\u0131karmak burada m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. Burada kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f <\/span>bir toplum s\u00f6zkonusu. Kom\u015fu eyaletlerin tersine, burada <\/span>M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar Hindistan’\u0131n islam fatihlerinin dili olan Urduca <\/span>konu\u015fmuyor. Halk Gucerat\u00e7a konu\u015fuyor. Hindular ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar <\/span>birbirlerinin bayramlar\u0131n\u0131 beraber kutlad\u0131klar\u0131 gibi benzer bi\u00e7imde gi\u00adyiniyor ve ayn\u0131 bat\u0131l inan\u00e7lara sahipler.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Karde\u015f\u00e7e ya\u015fam\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu \u015fehre son y\u0131llarda, do\u011fal gaz olanaklar\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 bir sermaye ak\u0131m\u0131 oluyor. Vah\u015fi kapitalizmin <\/span>geli\u015fmesiyle birlikte Hintli b\u00fcrokratlar, kastlar ve dinler aras\u0131nda varolan gerilimlerin de ortadan kalkaca\u011f\u0131na inan\u0131yorlar (tipik bir modernle\u015fmeci beklenti). Ama tam tersi oluyor. \u00dcstelik geleneksel sanayi dallan olan <\/span>p\u0131rlanta i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi ve tekstil end\u00fcstrisi darbo\u011faza girince Hindu politikac\u0131lar M\u00fcsl\u00fcman aleyhtarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yor. Sonu\u00e7: Ayodhya <\/span>olay\u0131ndan sonra kentte iki taraftan tam 182 ki\u015fi katlediliyor. The In\u00addependent <\/span>muhabirinin nihai yarg\u0131s\u0131 aktar\u0131lmaya de\u011fecek kadar bil<\/span>lurla\u015fm\u0131\u015f:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcnlerde Surat Thatcher’in yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kenti and\u0131r\u0131yor. Geleneksel \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131n sarmal\u0131na dolanm\u0131\u015f vah\u015fi bir kapitalizmin saltanat\u0131 s\u00f6zkonusu. Bunun \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl bir kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek gereksiz <\/span>herhalde.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Emperyalist \u00fclkelerden ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerden sonra, ka\u00ad<\/span>pitalist restorasyon s\u00fcrecini ya\u015fayan b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinden de bir \u00f6rnek vermek yararl\u0131 olabilir. 1918’den beri birlikte ya\u015fayan \u00c7ek ve Slo\u00ad<\/span>vak halklar\u0131, 1 Ocak 1993’ten itibaren birbirlerinden b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kop-<\/span>tularsa, bunda her\u015feyden \u00e7ok, zengin \u00c7ek \u00fclkesinin ekonomiyi h\u0131zla <\/span>\u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik tercihinin, devletin yeniden b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm me\u00ad<\/span>kanizmalar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00f6reli yoksullu\u011funu hafifletme olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yi\u00ad<\/span>tirecek olan Slovak halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmesi b\u00fcy\u00fck rol <\/span>oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (AT etkenine a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da d\u00f6nece\u011fim.)21<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(2) Ulusal bencilli\u011fin \u015fahlan\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yeni-liberalizmle g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f et\u00adkisi alt\u0131nda ulusal devletin ekonomik hayattaki \u00f6neminin a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131, pi\u00ad<\/span>yasa s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm alan\u0131nda gittik\u00e7e daha do\u011frudan bi\u00e7imde be\u00ad<\/span>lirleyici hale gelmesi, birincisiyle s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011fl\u0131 ikinci bir etki daha <\/span>yarat\u0131r. Birinci geli\u015fme, genel olarak b\u00fct\u00fcn etnik, ulusal vb. gruplar i\u00e7in <\/span>ge\u00e7erliyken, ikincisini ay\u0131ran “zengin” gruplar\u0131n bir tepkisi olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu <\/span>ikinci etki ulusal bencilli\u011fin \u015fahlanmas\u0131 olarak an\u0131labilir. Ayn\u0131 ulusal <\/span>devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlan i\u00e7inde ony\u0131llar boyu birlikte ya\u015fanan bir ekonomik <\/span>geli\u015fme sureci i\u00e7inde \u00f6teki b\u00f6lgeler, etnik gruplar, uluslar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda <\/span>ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir konuma kavu\u015fan bir (ya da birka\u00e7) ulusal grubun, \u00e7ekim <\/span>g\u00fcc\u00fc zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f merkezi devletten kopma yoluyla kendinden daha yok\u00ad<\/span>sul gruplar\u0131 kaderleriyle ba\u015fba\u015fa b\u0131rakarak “k\u00f6\u015feyi d\u00f6nme” \u00e7abas\u0131 <\/span>s\u00f6zkonusudur burada.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ulusal bencilli\u011fin \u015fahlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131z \u00f6rne\u011fini vermek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn, <\/span>\u00f6rne\u011fin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nden ayr\u0131lma konusunda en \u0131srarl\u0131 olan ve <\/span>Birli\u011fi ilk f\u0131rsatta terkeden eski Sovyet cumhuriyetleri \u00fc\u00e7 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Balt\u0131k \u00fclkesi (Estonya, Letonya, Litvanya) olduysa, bunda bu \u00fclkelerin 1940’ta <\/span>Stalinist b\u00fcrokrasi taraf\u0131ndan zorla ilhak edilmi\u015f olmalar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>tepki ve bu halklar\u0131n Slav d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u0130skandinav k\u00fclt\u00fcrel <\/span>d\u00fcnyas\u0131na yak\u0131n olmalar\u0131 gibi etkenlerin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, belki de ilk s\u0131rada, bu <\/span>cumhuriyetlerin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi i\u00e7indeki g\u00f6reli ekonomik durumlar\u0131 rol <\/span>oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu cumhuriyetlerde ki\u015fi ba\u015f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fen ortalama ulusal gelir <\/span>genel Sovyet ortalamas\u0131n\u0131n birbu\u00e7uk, Orta Asya cumhuriyetlerinin or\u00ad<\/span>talamas\u0131n\u0131n ise \u00fc\u00e7 kat\u0131yd\u0131. Sovyet sistemi gibi yo\u011fun bir yeniden <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n mevcut oldu\u011fu bir sistemden kopmak bu cum\u00adhuriyetlerin vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n Orta Asyal\u0131 yoksul Sovyet vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>y\u00fck\u00fcnden kurtulmas\u0131 anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Ayn\u0131 \u015fey Yugoslavya’n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00f6zkonusudur: bug\u00fcn ikisi de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 elde etmi\u015f <\/span>olan eski Yugoslav cumhuriyetlerinden Slovenya’n\u0131n ba\u015fkenti Llublijana, <\/span>varl\u0131kl\u0131 bir Kuzey italya \u015fehrinden farks\u0131zd\u0131r; H\u0131rvatistan’\u0131n ba\u015fkenti <\/span>Zagreb ise orta zenginlikte bir \u0130talyan kentinden a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 kalmaz. Slo-<\/span>venya’y\u0131 ve H\u0131rvatistan’\u0131 Yugoslav federasyonundan koparan temel etken, ya\u015fanan derin bunal\u0131m\u0131n i\u00e7inde yoksul Kosova ve Karada\u011f’\u0131n sorunlar\u0131na <\/span>ortak olma ihtimalidir. (Hem Balt\u0131k \u00fclkeleri, hem de zengin Yugoslav cumhuriyetlerinde milliyet\u00e7i ak\u0131mlar \u00fczerinde ATnun rol\u00fcne d\u00f6nece\u011fiz.)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ama ulusal bencillik konusunda en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rnek, \u0130talya’dan verilebilir, tronik bi\u00e7imde burada s\u00f6zkonusu olan ulusal bencillik kendine bir ulusal kimlik bile atfetmekten acizdir, ama sorunun \u00e7\u0131plak bir maddi \u00e7\u0131kar so\u00ad<\/span>runu oldu\u011fu, bir ulusun manevi ya\u015fam\u0131yla hi\u00e7bir ili\u015fkisi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 burada tam da bu nedenden dolay\u0131 \u00e7ok daha a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131kla g\u00f6r\u00fclebilmektedir. <\/span>S\u00f6zkonusu olan, \u00f6nce merkezinde Milano’nun yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Lombardiya <\/span>b\u00f6lgesinden ba\u015flayarak ard\u0131ndan b\u00fct\u00fcn Kuzey \u0130talya’ya yay\u0131lan bir <\/span>ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 harekettir. Umberto Bossi adl\u0131 bir \u00f6nderin y\u00f6netiminde \u00f6nce <\/span>Lombardiya Ligas\u0131, ard\u0131ndan Kuzey Ligas\u0131, se\u00e7imlerde y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m h\u0131z\u0131yla <\/span>y\u00fckselen bir destek sa\u011flayarak yerle\u015fik parti sistemini sarsmay\u0131 <\/span>ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. En son Eyl\u00fcl ay\u0131nda Mantova’da yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde Kuzey <\/span>Ligas\u0131 oylar\u0131n % 40’\u0131na yak\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc toplayarak b\u00f6lgede birinci parti haline gelmi\u015ftir.22<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Liga’n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini k\u0131saca \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn: Kuzey \u0130talya \u00fcretir, <\/span>Roma b\u00fcrokrasisi ve G\u00fcney’in (\u00fcnl\u00fc Mezzogiorno’nun) yoksul halk\u0131 <\/span>t\u00fcketir. G\u00fcney’e ony\u0131llard\u0131r kaynak aktar\u0131m\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, G\u00fcney <\/span>Kuzey’in s\u0131rt\u0131ndan ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna son vermek i\u00e7in Kuzey \u0130talya <\/span>Roma’dan uzakla\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r; ancak bir federasyon i\u00e7inde bir arada kalmaya raz\u0131 olunabilir. G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, burada b\u00f6lgecili\u011fin ard\u0131nda ekonomik <\/span>hesab\u0131n so\u011fuk y\u00fcz\u00fc (ulusal bir mitolojinin gizemli giysilerinden yoksun oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in) \u00e7\u0131plak bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6zlenebilmektedir. Asl\u0131nda, Kuzey <\/span>Ligas\u0131’na hakim olan zihniyet bizim de kendi deneyimimizden <\/span>tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir zihniyettir: K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrkleri s\u00f6m\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, K\u00fcrt <\/span>b\u00f6lgeleri olmasayd\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye’nin Bat\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok daha zengin olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrenler, \u00f6zellikle de daha ileri giderek “ver kurtul” \u015fiar\u0131n\u0131 bu nedenle be\u00ad<\/span>nimseyenler tam da ayn\u0131 bencil zihniyetin temsilcileridir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(3) Avrupa Toplulu\u011fu’nun <\/span><\/strong>\u00e7ekim g\u00fcc\u00fc<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Avrasya kara par\u00e7as\u0131 \u00fczerinde mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7i hareketleri canland\u0131ran bir \u00f6zg\u00fcl boyutu, yukar\u0131dan beri ge\u00e7erken de\u011findi\u011fimiz AT olgusudur. Bir ekonomik ve politik g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak ATnun <\/span>y\u00fckseli\u015fi, biri AT d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, \u00f6teki AT i\u00e7inde olmak \u00fczere, iki farkl\u0131 <\/span>bi\u00e7imde milliyet\u00e7i hareketleri ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtan bir etki ya\u00ad<\/span>ratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

ATnun Avrasya co\u011frafyas\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 patlamal\u0131 etkiyi kavrayabilmek <\/span>i\u00e7in, nas\u0131l bir ekonomik, politik ve askeri dev obua vaadini ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>hat\u0131rlamak gerekiyor. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc 12 \u00fcyesi ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalsa bile, 350 mil\u00ad<\/span>yona yakla\u015fan n\u00fcfusu ile ABD’nin ve Japonya’n\u0131n da \u00f6n\u00fcnde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n <\/span><\/span>en b\u00fcy\u00fck pazar\u0131 olacak olan, n\u00fckleer g\u00fcce sahip, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ge\u00e7mi\u015fi
\n<\/span>dolay\u0131s\u0131yla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir k\u00f6\u015fesiyle ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 koruyan <\/span>(Britanya’n\u0131n Commonwealth’i, Fransa’n\u0131n M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ve kara Afrika ile <\/span>ili\u015fkileri, \u0130spanya ve Portekiz’in Latin Amerika \u00fczerindeki etkisi vb.) <\/span>ger\u00e7ek bir potansiyel s\u00fcperg\u00fc\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr ufukta. \u0130\u015fte Avrasya kara <\/span><\/span>par\u00e7as\u0131nda son y\u0131llarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u00e7alkant\u0131lar, alt\u00fcst olu\u015flar,
\n<\/span>par\u00e7alanmalar, ba\u015fka \u015feylerin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, AT’nun bir \u00e7ekim merkezi olarak <\/span>ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7ok yak\u0131ndan ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Burada, a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k amac\u0131yla bir nok\u00ad<\/span>tan\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmem gerekiyor: s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fim \u015fey, AT emperyalizminin <\/span>politik taktik ve komplolarla alt\u00fcst olu\u015flar\u0131 ve milliyet\u00e7i ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 <\/span><\/span>bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde k\u00f6r\u00fcklemesi de\u011fil. Elbette bu da s\u00f6zkonusu; i\u015fin bu
\n<\/span>yan\u0131na a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da de\u011finme f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 bulaca\u011f\u0131z. Burada s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fim \u015fey, politikalar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok, g\u00f6z kama\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 nesnel varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcyle ATnun <\/span><\/span>bir\u00e7ok ulus ve \u00fclke \u00fczerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131, neredeyse kendili\u011finden olu\u015fan
\n<\/span>\u00e7ekim g\u00fcc\u00fc.<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

ATnun \u00e7ekim alan\u0131na girdi\u011fi i\u00e7in alt\u00fcst olu\u015flar ya\u015fayan, milliyet\u00e7i ha\u00ad<\/span>reketler do\u011furan \u00fclkeler iki temel kategoriye ayr\u0131labilir, ilk kategoride eski “Sovyet bloku”nun par\u00e7as\u0131 olan Do\u011fu Avrupa \u00fclkeleri yer al\u0131yor. Ba\u015fta Do\u011fu Almanya olmak \u00fczere \u00c7ekoslovakya, Macaristan ve Po\u00ad<\/span>lonya’da (daha geriden ve umutsuzca Romanya ve Bulgaristan da), <\/span>ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 toplumsal katmanlar, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n e\u015fi\u011finde AT’na kat\u0131lau an <\/span>takdirde ekonomik bak\u0131mdan geleceklerinin g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f <\/span>olaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle hareket etmi\u015f ve b\u00fcy\u00fck halk kitlelerini de bir <\/span>\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ikna etmeyi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. 1989 depremi, ba\u015fka \u015feylerin <\/span>yan\u0131s\u0131ra, Do\u011fu Avrupa’n\u0131n AT ile b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeye aday olabilmek i\u00e7in Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nden kopu\u015funun bir ifadesi olmu\u015ftur. \u0130<\/span>kinci kategori \u00fclke ya da ulus, federal karakterdeki b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i dev\u00adletlerinden ATnun bekleme odas\u0131na ge\u00e7mek amac\u0131yla kopan cum\u00ad<\/span>huriyetlerdir. Gerek Balt\u0131k cumhuriyetleri Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin, gerekse <\/span>Slovenya ve H\u0131rvatistan Yugoslavya’n\u0131n birer b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak ATna <\/span>kabul\u00fcn\u00fcn m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bildikleri i\u00e7in, g\u00f6reli zenginlikleri sa\u00ad<\/span>yesinde AT taraf\u0131ndan kabul edilmek umuduyla kendi birliklerinden <\/span>kopmu\u015flard\u0131r. Sovyet cumhuriyetlerinin Asya’da yer alanlar\u0131n\u0131n bir <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn bile (\u00f6rne\u011fin G\u00fcrcistan ve Ermenistan) AT’nu gelecekleri i\u00e7in bir alternatif olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerine ili\u015fkin belirtiler mevcuttur. Nihayet, <\/span>\u00c7ek \u00fclkesi ile Slovakya’n\u0131n birbirinden kopu\u015funda, zengin \u00c7eklerin AT ile h\u0131zla b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme projeleri \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

AT’nun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki alanda de\u011fil, kendi <\/span>bile\u015fenlerinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde de milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7eli\u015fkileri ve hareketleri <\/span>k\u00f6r\u00fckleyen bir etki yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Burada sermayenin ulus-<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n kendi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olan milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi canland\u0131rmas\u0131ndaki <\/span>paradoksun doru\u011funa var\u0131yoruz. AT kendi alan\u0131 i\u00e7inde bir yandan <\/span>Alman, Frans\u0131z, italyan vb. ulusal kimlikleri tek bir pota i\u00e7inde eritmeyi <\/span>hedeflerken, \u00f6te yandan \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir ironi ile \u0130sko\u00e7, Katalan, Valon ve ben\u00adzeri, eskisinden de dar ulusal kimlikleri canland\u0131r\u0131yor. Bu tuhaf etkinin <\/span>ard\u0131nda yukar\u0131da s\u00f6z\u00fcp\u00fc <\/span>etti\u011fim dinamik yat\u0131yor: AT’nun devletler\u00fcst\u00fc <\/span>bir’devlet niteli\u011fiyle geli\u015fme potansiyelinin, varolan ulusal devletlerin <\/span>\u00f6nemini a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rmas\u0131. Yetkiler ba\u015fkentlerden Br\u00fcksel’e do\u011fru kayd\u0131k\u00e7a, <\/span>\u0130sko\u00e7, Katalan ya da Valon burjuvazisi i\u00e7in Britanya, \u0130spanya ya da <\/span>Bel\u00e7ika devletinin \u00f6nemi kaybolmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yor. Asl\u0131nda bu, i\u015fin <\/span>mant\u0131\u011f\u0131nda i\u00e7kin: e\u011fer Bat\u0131 Avrupa burjuvazisinin yeni devleti AT ola\u00ad<\/span>caksa, varolan devletlerin (belki federe birimler niteli\u011fiyle saklayacaklar\u0131 baz\u0131 yetkiler d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda) birer devlet olarak kapasiteleri ortadan kalkacak demektir. \u0130\u015fte bu olas\u0131l\u0131k, AT’nu olu\u015fturan devletler i\u00e7inde ulusal mer\u00ad<\/span>kezka\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7lere bir hareket kazand\u0131r\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi k\u00f6r\u00fckleyen yeni bir ve\u00e7hesine <\/span>ge\u00e7meden \u00f6nce, buraya kadar yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan tahlilin yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131lmaya <\/span>m\u00fcsait \u00f6zg\u00fcl bir ve\u00e7hesi konusunda a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fmak gerekir. Bu tahlil, uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n kendi nesnel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 gere\u011fi milliyet\u00e7ilikleri <\/span>k\u00f6r\u00fcklemekte oldu\u011funu ortaya koymu\u015f olmal\u0131. Ama ayn\u0131 \u015feyi otomatik <\/span>olarak ulusal devletler i\u00e7in s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor. Tam tersine, uluslararas\u00fca\u015fma, ulusal devletlerin i\u015flevlerini zay\u0131flatarak bunlar\u0131 <\/span>ger\u00e7ekten tarihin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc akt\u00f6rleri olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yor. Bu du\u00ad<\/span>rumda, globalizm en az\u0131ndan ulusal devlet konusunda hakl\u0131 <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ne var ki, bu hakl\u0131l\u0131k yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015ftedir. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn aldat\u0131c\u0131 <\/span>olmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni de, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek genellikle sorgusuz sualsiz “ulus-<\/span>devlet” olarak an\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan devletlerin ulusall\u0131kla ili\u015fkilerinin tek bir <\/span>ulusu \u00f6rg\u00fctlemekten \u00e7ok ba\u015fka uluslar\u0131 asimile etmeye y\u00f6nelik <\/span>olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, bug\u00fcn temeli uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma taraf\u0131ndan <\/span>kemirilen “ulusal” devletlerin pek az\u0131, klasik anlam\u0131yla (yani tek bir ulu\u00adsun devleti olmak anlam\u0131nda) ulusal devlettir.23<\/sup> Tersine Do\u011fu’da Sov\u00ad<\/span>yetler Birli\u011fi ve Yugoslavya’dan, Bat\u0131’da Britanya ve \u0130spanya’ya dek ulu\u00adsal sorunlarla bo\u011fu\u015fmak zorunda kalan b\u00fct\u00fcn bu devletler, devleti <\/span>denetleyen ulus tek bile olsa, devletin bir arada tuttu\u011fu uluslar <\/span>bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00e7okuluslu devletlerdir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, etnik a\u00e7\u0131dan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde t\u00fcrde\u015f bir tarihsel olu\u015fuma sahip olan Almanya’da (Yahudi sorununun Hitler sayesinde (!) nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc biliniyor), \u0130sko\u00e7, Bask ya <\/span>da H\u0131rvat sorunlar\u0131na benzer bir ulusal sorunun varolmay\u0131\u015f\u0131, ayn\u0131 <\/span>\u00f6nermeyi tersinden kan\u0131tlar. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, sermayenin ulus-<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ulusal devletleri de\u011fil, tarihsel olarak olu\u015fmu\u015f <\/span>bi\u00e7imiyle varolan devletleri bunal\u0131ma soktu\u011funu, ulusal kimlikleri silmek bir yana daha da ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(4) G\u00f6\u00e7menler ve Naziler<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Almanya’da etnik k\u00f6ken sorunundan kaynaklanan milliyet\u00e7iliklerin <\/span>ya\u015fanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m s\u00f6ylemek, T\u00fcrkiyeli insanlar\u0131n gayet iyi bildi\u011fi gibi, Al\u00ad<\/span>manya’da ulusal sorunlar ya\u015fanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Asl\u0131nda Al\u00ad<\/span>manya bug\u00fcn y\u00fckselen \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve neo-Nazi hareketleriyle, ulusal sorunun <\/span>ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin y\u00fckseli\u015finde sermayenin uluslaras\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>rol\u00fcn bir ba\u015fka ve\u00e7hesinin laboratuvan konumunda. Sermayenin ulus-lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i r\u00fczgarlar\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fckleyen bu ve\u00e7hesi i\u015f\u00e7i g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc ile ilgili. Yukar\u0131da sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n farkl\u0131 ve\u00e7helerini ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, metalann dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n (ticaretin), para-sermayenin ve <\/span>\u00fcretim sermayesinin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131na de\u011finmi\u015ftik. Oysa \u00fcretimin <\/span>uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n tek bi\u00e7imi sermayenin uluslar\u00e2ras\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 <\/span>de\u011fildir. Sermayenin devresinde kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi bir \u00f6zg\u00fcl meta <\/span>vard\u0131r: emekg\u00fcc\u00fc. Bu metan\u0131n dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n uluslar\u00e2ras\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, yani <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc, \u00f6teki metalann dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 olarak dola\u015f\u0131m alan\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>de\u011fil \u00fcretim alan\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 demektir. Sermaye, bir yandan <\/span>\u00fcretimi, \u00fcretim sermayesinin yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00f6rt bir k\u00f6\u015fesine akmas\u0131 yo\u00adluyla uluslararas\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, bir yandan da d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki i\u015fleyi\u015f tarz\u0131 <\/span>sonucunda ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan yoksun b\u0131rakarak proleterle\u015ftirdi\u011fi yoksul <\/span>\u00fclke emek\u00e7ilerini geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelere savurarak emperyalist <\/span>\u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 da \u00e7okuluslu bir s\u0131n\u0131f haline getirmektedir. \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc <\/span>g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc, kapitalizm yery\u00fcz\u00fcne yay\u0131ld\u0131k\u00e7a daha da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazanacak <\/span>yap\u0131sal bir \u00f6zelliktir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu olgu, kapitalizmin d\u00f6nemsel bunal\u0131mlar\u0131yla birle\u015fince patlamal\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furur. Sermaye bunal\u0131ma girdi\u011finde i\u015fsizli\u011fin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 (bug\u00fcn OECD \u00fclkelerinde yakla\u015f\u0131k 50 milyon i\u015fsiz vard\u0131r) ve yedek sa\u00ad<\/span>nayi ordusunun b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7ileri i\u015fsizli\u011fin so\u00ad<\/span>rumlusu olarak g\u00f6steren \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ideoloji, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 bu yoldan b\u00f6lmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan burjuvazinin de bilin\u00e7li k\u00f6r\u00fcklemesiyle, yay\u0131l\u0131r. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ili\u011fin emperyalist temellerde patolojik bi\u00e7imlere b\u00fcr\u00fcnmesinden ba\u015fka bir\u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece bir kez daha, kapitalizm ko\u015fullan alt\u0131nda, ulus-<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmanm nas\u0131l kendi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f oluyoruz. Dik\u00ad<\/span>kat edilmesi gereken nokta \u015fudur: burada “modernle\u015fme”‘ ilerledik\u00e7e, <\/span>yani d\u00fcnya ekonomisi b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftik\u00e7e zay\u0131flayacak de\u011fil g\u00fc\u00e7lenecek bir e\u011filim olan i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcnden s\u00f6z ediyoruz. Emperyalist milliyet\u00e7ilik <\/span>ge\u00e7mi\u015fte \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n hedefi olarak ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u00e7a\u011flar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etnik <\/span>bile\u015fimleri kullan\u0131yordu. Hitler’in kurban\u0131 Yahudiler, Orta \u00c7a\u011fdan beri Orta Avrupa topraklar\u0131na yerle\u015fmi\u015f bir etnik topluluktu. O co\u011frafyadaki <\/span>varl\u0131klan, sermayenin geli\u015fme dinami\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ras-<\/span>lant\u0131sald\u0131. Hitler’in bug\u00fcnk\u00fc torunlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na hedef olan <\/span>K\u00fcrt, T\u00fcrk, S\u0131rp, H\u0131rvat, Do\u011fu Avrupal\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7menler ise, sermayenin, ne\u00ad<\/span>redeyse zorunlu bir yasan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, kendi topraklar\u0131ndan <\/span>kopararak bu co\u011frafyaya ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanlard\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 \u015fey ABD’de de <\/span>g\u00f6zlenebilir. Amerika yerlileri soyk\u0131nma u\u011frat\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra, Amerika’da <\/span>\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n esas hedefleri, k\u00f6le ticaretiyle Amerika’ya zorla ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olan <\/span>Afrika k\u00f6kenli siyahlarla Yahudilerdi. 8u iki grubun ABD’ye <\/span>yerle\u015fmesinden en az\u0131ndan modern finans kapital sorumlu de\u011fildi. Ama <\/span>bug\u00fcn ABD’de \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurbanlan aras\u0131na 27 milyon Afrika k\u00f6kenli siyah\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra, ezici \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ikinci Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 bu \u00fclkeye g\u00f6\u00e7m\u00fc\u015f 24 milyon Latin Amerika k\u00f6kenli insan da kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn veriler ayn\u0131 y\u00f6ne i\u015faret ediyor: globalizmin ve genel olarak mo-<\/span>dernle\u015fmeci burjuva d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin beklentilerinin aksine, modern ka\u00ad<\/span>pitalizmin geli\u015fmesi emperyalist milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi (ve elbette onun kar\u015f\u0131 kut\u00ad<\/span>bunda bir savunma ideolojisi olarak ezilen ulus milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini) <\/span>geriletmek bir yana geli\u015ftirme dinami\u011fini ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(5) Emperyalist strateji<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu ana kadar kapitalizmin milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerindeki etkisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ele <\/span>ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve\u00e7heleri, esas olarak maddi yap\u0131s\u0131ndaki nesnel, neredeyse <\/span>kendili\u011finden geli\u015fmelerdi. \u015eimdi emperyalist devletlerin d\u00fcnya po\u00ad<\/span>litikas\u0131 arenas\u0131nda s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri bilin\u00e7li strateji alan\u0131na giriyoruz.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu alana girerken \u00e7ok dikkatli olmak gerekiyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc solun <\/span>az\u0131msanmayacak bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanmakta olan milliyet\u00e7i <\/span>dalgay\u0131 neredeyse yaln\u0131zca emperyalizmin stratejisine ba\u011flama <\/span>e\u011filiminde: buna g\u00f6re, ABD ve \u00f6teki emperyalist devletler, bilin\u00e7li bir politikayla, “G\u00fcney” halklar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6lme ve birbirine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme yoluyla ha\u00ad<\/span>kimiyetlerini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rma amac\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcd\u00fcyorlar. B\u00f6yle bir a\u00e7\u0131klama i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerindeki b\u00fcrokratik rejimleri y\u0131llar boyu g\u00f6z\u00fc kapal\u0131 sa\u00ad<\/span>vunmu\u015f insanlar\u0131n vicdan\u0131n\u0131 rahatlatma i\u015flevini g\u00f6rebilir: e\u011fer <\/span>her\u015feyden emperyalizm sorumluysa, b\u00fcrokratik rejimlerin farkl\u0131 uluslar\u0131n birbirini bo\u011fazlamas\u0131nda fazla bir sorumlulu\u011fu yok demektir. Tabii, <\/span>b\u00f6yle bir rahatlaman\u0131n maliyeti de a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: sorunlar patlamal\u0131 bi\u00e7imde or\u00adtaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bile ger\u00e7ekten ka\u00e7mak ve b\u00f6ylece gelecek i\u00e7in ders <\/span>\u00e7\u0131karma olana\u011f\u0131ndan yoksun kalmak.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

B\u00f6yle bir a\u00e7\u0131klama, ayn\u0131 zamanda, baz\u0131lar\u0131na ezen ulus \u015fovenizmini <\/span>gerek\u00e7elendirmek amac\u0131yla, ho\u015flanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, em\u00ad<\/span>peryalizmin oyununa gelmekle su\u00e7lama f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131r. Ama bunun ma\u00adliyeti de a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle kar\u015f\u0131t <\/span>etkiler yapabilecek farkl\u0131 politik hareketleri, farkl\u0131 nitelikte mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ilikleri ayn\u0131 torbaya doldurarak \u00fczerine toptan “made in America” <\/span>damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurmak!<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Asl\u0131nda g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda emperyalizm taraf\u0131ndan k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131lmak bu\u00adyana, onun tam kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yer alan ve b\u00fct\u00fcn planlar\u0131m bozan milliyet\u00e7i <\/span>hareketlerin varolmas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra (bunlara a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da d\u00f6nece\u011fiz), <\/span>do\u011frudan do\u011fruya emperyalizmin deste\u011fini alan hareketler bile yaln\u0131zca emperyalizmin politikas\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131y\u0130a, em\u00ad<\/span>peryalizmin destekledi\u011fi ulusal hareketlerin bile hakl\u0131 talepleri varsa sol <\/span>bu talepleri ciddiye almal\u0131d\u0131r. Hakl\u0131 taleplere kulak verilmemesi, bun\u00ad<\/span>lar\u0131n emperyalizmin kullan\u0131m\u0131na terkedilmesi anlam\u0131na gelir. Kabul edi\u00adlemeyecek tek \u015fey, bir ulusal hareketin, ba\u015fka uluslar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda em\u00ad<\/span>peryalizmin arac\u0131 rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynamas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 s\u00f6yledikten sonra, emperyalizmin genel bir e\u011filim olarak, hakimiyeti alt\u0131ndaki b\u00f6lgelerde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve zay\u0131f dev\u00adletlerin olu\u015fumunu hedefledi\u011fi ve bundan dolay\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc bir etken olarak <\/span>zamana ve yere ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi destekledi\u011fi, hatta k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtt\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>belirtilmeli. Tarihsel olarak bunun en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rneklerinden biri Bal\u00ad<\/span>kanlar\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 hakimiyetinden kurtuldu\u011fu 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015f\u0131nda, <\/span>b\u00f6lgenin bir\u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devlete b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi konusunda emperyalizmin <\/span>\u00e7abalar\u0131d\u0131r. Politika literat\u00fcr\u00fcne de “Balkanla\u015fma” kavram\u0131yla katk\u0131da <\/span>bulunan bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnme s\u00fcrecini bak\u0131n, o d\u00f6nemde b\u00f6lgede gazetecilik yap\u00admakta olan Trotskiy nas\u0131l tasvir ediyor:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Balkan Yanmadas\u0131’nm c\u00fcce devletleri aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131rlar, ulusal <\/span>ko\u015fullara ya da ulusal taleplere g\u00f6re de\u011fil, sava\u015flar\u0131n, diplomatik hi\u00ad<\/span>lelerin ve hanedan \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n sonucu olarak \u00e7izilmi\u015ftir. B\u00fcy\u00fck Dev\u00ad<\/span>letler -en ba\u015fta Rusya ve Avusturya- her zaman Balkan halklar\u0131n\u0131 ve <\/span>devletlerini birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmakta ve bunlar birbirlerini <\/span>zay\u0131flatt\u0131ktan sonra onlar\u0131 kendi ekonomik ve politik etkilerine tabi <\/span>k\u0131lmakta bulmu\u015flard\u0131r \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131. Balkan Yar\u0131madas\u0131’n\u0131n bu “k\u0131r\u0131k <\/span>par\u00e7alan”nda h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren ufac\u0131k hanedanlar, Avrupa’n\u0131n diplomatik <\/span>hilelerinin aktarma kay\u0131\u015f\u0131 rol\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstlenmi\u015flerdir ve \u00fcstlenmeye <\/span>devam etmektedirler.24<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Benzer bi\u00e7imde, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de emperyalizm, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00f6lgesinde, <\/span>ger\u00e7ekten milliyet\u00e7i hareketlere destek vererek ulusal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeleri <\/span>h\u0131zland\u0131racak bir politik \u00e7izgi izliyor. Bu b\u00f6lgelerden biri, y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, yine Balkanlard\u0131r: \u00f6zellikle Alman emperyalizmi H\u0131rvatistan <\/span>ve Slovenya’y\u0131 kendi n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131 i\u00e7inde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in Yugoslavya’n\u0131n <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinde ba\u015ftan itibaren aktif bir rol \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. \u00d6teki b\u00f6lge ise <\/span>Ortado\u011fu’dur. ABD, K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131’yla g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kan ve \u00f6 g\u00fcnden <\/span>beri derinle\u015fen politik y\u00f6neli\u015fi ile Ortado\u011fu haritas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00e7izmeye kararl\u0131 oldu\u011funu ortaya koymu\u015ftur. \u015eu anda ad\u0131m ad\u0131m par\u00e7alanmakta <\/span>olan Irak muhtemelen \u00fc\u00e7 ayr\u0131 devlete b\u00f6l\u00fcnecektir. Ard\u0131ndan s\u0131ra mol\u00ad<\/span>lalar \u00eeran\u0131’na gelecektir. \u015eimdiden Iran Azerileri, K\u00fcrtler ve Araplar <\/span>\u00fczerinde bu y\u00f6nde bir ajitasyon ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6neli\u015fte, Sovyetler’in <\/span>da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra ABD’nin Ortado\u011fu’daki dengeleri kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na <\/span>uygun bi\u00e7imde yo\u011furma iste\u011finin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, ABD’nin b\u00f6lgedeki ana <\/span>m\u00fcttefiki israil’in stratejik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 da rol oynamaktad\u0131r.25 Bu iki <\/span>b\u00f6lgenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, ABD Orta Asya’da T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini de seferber <\/span>ederek T\u00fcrk cumhuriyetlerinin BDT’den kopmas\u0131 i\u00e7in alttan alta faaliyet <\/span>s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(6) Ezilmi\u015f ulusal gruplar\u0131n aya\u011fa kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Son d\u00f6nemde y\u00fckselen milliyet\u00e7ilik dalgas\u0131n\u0131n genellikle biri \u00f6tekini ezen ulusal gruplar\u0131 de\u011fil, az \u00e7ok ayn\u0131 kaderi payla\u015fan, d\u00fcnya sistemi <\/span>i\u00e7inde olsun, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclke i\u00e7inde olsun hiyerar\u015finin az \u00e7ok ayn\u0131 ba\u00ad<\/span>samaklar\u0131nda yer alan uluslar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirmi\u015f oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi, <\/span>bize 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin en yayg\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fclen t\u00fcr\u00fc olan ezilen ulus milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini unutturmamak. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ezen uluslar ve ezi\u00ad<\/span>len uluslar olarak ikiye b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131, tam da uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n <\/span>kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcl bi\u00e7imin, emperyalizmin yap\u0131sal bir \u00f6zelli\u011fidir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu konuda ilk akla gelen \u00f6rnek elbette bizim ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z co\u011frafyada <\/span>bir devrimci y\u00fckseli\u015fi ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrt ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi, ikinci \u00f6nemli \u00f6rnek ony\u0131llard\u0131r artan bir g\u00fc\u00e7le apartheid <\/span>rejiminin kalelerini <\/span>d\u00f6ven G\u00fcney Afrika siyahlar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi. Latin Amerikal\u0131lar ba\u015fta <\/span>olmak \u00fczere Amerika yerlilerinin k\u0131ta \u00e7ap\u0131nda geli\u015ftirmekte oldu\u011fu ha\u00ad<\/span>reket Amerikan k\u0131tas\u0131n\u0131n gelece\u011findeki m\u00fccadelelerin ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 veriyor. Nihayet emperyalizmin y\u00fcre\u011finde, ABD’de Los Angeles siyahlar\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>1992 y\u0131l\u0131 i\u00e7inde “Adalet yoksa bar\u0131\u015f da yok” \u015fiar\u0131yla ayaklanmas\u0131, 90’l\u0131 <\/span>y\u0131llar\u0131n siyahlar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan canl\u0131 ba\u015flamas\u0131 anlam\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>ta\u015f\u0131yor. Bu \u00f6rneklerin de g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi ulusal ve etnik bask\u0131 devam <\/span>ettik\u00e7e ezilen uluslar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi \u00f6neminden hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yitirmeyecektir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin y\u00fckseli\u015finde \u00f6zg\u00fcl etkenler<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n esas konusu, sermayenin uluslaras\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n doru\u011funa <\/span>ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ekonomik, politik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel a\u00e7\u0131lardan ileri derecede bir b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin bu denli y\u00fckselmesinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 paradoksu a\u00e7\u0131klamak. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, yaz\u0131n\u0131n ana b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde ser\u00ad<\/span>mayenin uluslaras\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 ile milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin y\u00fckseli\u015fi aras\u0131nda varolan <\/span>diyalektik nitelikteki nedensellik ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 inceledim. Bu etkeni b\u00f6ylesine <\/span>\u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f olmam elbette milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 canlanman\u0131n ard\u0131nda ba\u015fka dinamiklerin de varoldu\u011funu g\u00f6rmezlikten <\/span>gelmek anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yor. Tahlili tek yanl\u0131 ve indirgemeci bir d\u00fczeyde <\/span>b\u0131rakmamak i\u00e7in g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin ard\u0131nda yatan \u00f6teki di\u00ad<\/span>namikler de de\u011finmemiz gerekiyor. Yer s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu de\u011finme <\/span>sat\u0131rba\u015flar\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde olmak zorunda<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u2022 B\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinin bunal\u0131m\u0131: <\/span>Bug\u00fcn yery\u00fcz\u00fcnde en <\/span>yo\u011fun ve kanl\u0131 ulusal m\u00fccadeleler, ba\u015fta Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve Yugoslavya olmak \u00fczere, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmekte olan b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinde ya\u015fan\u0131yor. <\/span>Bunun nedeni, bu toplumlar\u0131n, yukar\u0131da ortaya koymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m gibi, <\/span>genel e\u011filimlerden paylar\u0131n\u0131 almalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi <\/span>do\u011falar\u0131ndan ve tarihsel geli\u015fmelerinden kaynaklanan dinamiklerin etkisi alt\u0131nda, farkl\u0131 t\u00fcrden milliyet\u00e7iliklerin \u00fcreme alan\u0131 haline gelmeleri. Bu\u00ad<\/span>radaki \u00f6zg\u00fcl etkenlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda, elbette, her \u00fclkede b\u00fcrokrasinin ka\u00ad<\/span>pitalizmin ilgas\u0131ndan \u00f6nceki devletten devrald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ulusal ili\u015fkileri <\/span>s\u00fcrd\u00fcren, b\u00f6ylece hakim uluslar ile ezilen uluslar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri <\/span>yeniden\u00fcreten politik \u00e7izgisi geliyor. Son derecede karma\u015f\u0131k olan ve <\/span>kendi ba\u015f\u0131na bir incelemeyi hak eden bu konuya burada girmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil.\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Ayr\u0131ca,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Sovyetler\u00a0 <\/span>Birli\u011fi\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>s\u00f6zkonusu\u00a0 <\/span>oldu\u011funda\u00a0 <\/span>bu\u00a0 <\/span>konuda yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmadan yararlanmak da olanakl\u0131.%<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Yaln\u0131z burada ters y\u00f6nden bir uyar\u0131n\u0131n yararl\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. B\u00fcrokratik sistemin b\u00fcy\u00fck bunal\u0131m\u0131, burjuvazinin s\u00f6zc\u00fclerine i\u015f\u00e7i dev\u00ad<\/span>letlerinin kazan\u0131mlann\u0131 yok sayma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi gibi, burjuva ide\u00ad<\/span>olojisinin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ge\u00e7ici olarak ele ge\u00e7irmi\u015f olmas\u0131 emperyalist <\/span>\u00fclkelerin en k\u00f6t\u00fc yanlar\u0131n\u0131n bile yeni bir makyajla olumlu bir \u0131\u015f\u0131k alt\u0131nda <\/span>sunulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in f\u0131rsat yarat\u0131yor. Bunun bir \u00f6me\u011fi de farkl\u0131 etnik gruplar <\/span>aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ABD’nin e\u015fsiz bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011fe sahip <\/span>oldu\u011fu yolundaki iddiad\u0131r. UNESCO ba\u015fkan\u0131 s\u0131fat\u0131yla ABD’yi gayet iyi <\/span>tan\u0131mas\u0131 gereken Federico Mayor, bu \u00fclkede \u00e7e\u015fitli etnik gruplar\u0131n “nispi <\/span>bir dostluk ve refah ortam\u0131nda” ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebilmektedir.27<\/sup> 83 <\/span>ya\u015f\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarih\u00e7isi Isaiah Berlin ise \u015f\u00f6yle diyebilmektedir: <\/span>“Kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcn k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini koruyabilen etnik gruplar yaln\u0131zca <\/span>Amerika’da var ve bundan kimse rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duymuyor. Yahudiler ve Koreliler kendi <\/span>gazetelerini ve kitaplar\u0131n\u0131 yay\u0131nlayabiliyorlar, hatta duydu\u011fuma g\u00f6re <\/span>kendi TV kanatlan bile var.”28<\/sup> \u0130nsan kulaklar\u0131na inanam\u0131yor: sanki s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen \u00fclke Ku Klux Klan’\u0131n, 30 y\u0131ld\u0131r s\u00fcregiden zenci ayaklanmalar\u0131n\u0131n, politik cinayetlere kurban giden Martin Luther King’in ve Malcolm X’in <\/span>\u00fclkesi de\u011fil ! Sanki s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen \u00fclkede siyahlar\u0131n ortalama geliri be-yazlannkinin yaln\u0131zca % <\/em>55-60’\u0131 aras\u0131nda de\u011fil, sanki siyahlar\u0131n % 30’u <\/span>mutlak yoksulluk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 alt\u0131nda ya\u015fam\u0131yor!29<\/sup> Sanki polis b\u00fcy\u00fck kent\u00ad<\/span>lerde siyah Amerikal\u0131lar\u0131 ve Latin Amerika k\u00f6kenli yoksul gen\u00e7leri <\/span>s\u00fcrekli rahats\u0131z etmiyor, d\u00f6vm\u00fcyor, \u00f6ld\u00fcrm\u00fcyor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bir de i\u015fin \u00f6teki yan\u0131 var: Isaiah Berlin’in yukar\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131da yer alan “yaln\u0131zca” kelimesinin ima etti\u011fi yan. Sanki Amerika farkl\u0131 etnik grup\u00ad<\/span>lar\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel cenneti, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir \u00fclke etnik gruplar\u0131n <\/span>kendilerini k\u00fclt\u00fcrel olarak ifade etmelerine izin vermemi\u015f ! Bir tek Yu\u00ad<\/span>goslavya \u00f6rne\u011fini hat\u0131rlamak yeter: bug\u00fcn Yugoslavya’da farkl\u0131 uluslar <\/span>birbirinin bo\u011faz\u0131na sanld\u0131ysa bu bize bu \u00fclkede k\u0131rk y\u0131l boyunca en <\/span>k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck etnik gruplar\u0131n bile, kendi dillerinde yay\u0131n yapmak bir yana, ana <\/span>dillerinde e\u011fitim g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerini ve federal devletin d\u00f6rt tane resmi dili <\/span>oldu\u011funu unutturmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu nokta \u00fczerinde hassasiyetle durmam\u0131n bir tek nedeni var: <\/span>b\u00fcrokrasinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 karga\u015fay\u0131 de\u011ferlendirirken, burjuvazinin ide\u00ad<\/span>ologlar\u0131n\u0131n yalan makinas\u0131n\u0131n etkisinde kalarak i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerindeki kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmamak gerekti\u011fini hat\u0131rlatmak. Gelece\u011fin sos\u00adyalizmi i\u00e7in ge\u00e7mi\u015fin bilan\u00e7osu b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yacakt\u0131r. Bu bilan\u00e7oyu <\/span>ise burjuva ideologlar\u0131 de\u011fil sosyalistler yapacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u2022 Ulussuz ulusal devletlerin bunal\u0131m\u0131: <\/span>Avrasya’da bunal\u0131ma giren “ulusal” devletlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n gerisinde bu devletlerin asl\u0131nda <\/span>tek bir ulusu de\u011fil \u00e7ok say\u0131da ulusu bir arada \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesi yat\u0131yor. Af<\/span> rika’da ise durum tam tersinedir: kara k\u0131tadaki s\u00f6zde “ulusal” devletlerin <\/span>\u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc hi\u00e7bir ulusu i\u00e7ermez. Afrika haritas\u0131n\u0131 Avrupa ha-<\/span>ritas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131racak olan biri, ilkinde s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n girintili \u00e7\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 ni\u00ad<\/span>teli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Afrika devletlerinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n cetvelden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f gibi <\/span>d\u00fcmd\u00fcz oldu\u011funu g\u00f6recektir. Bunun nedeni a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: bu devletler ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015furken s\u0131n\u0131rlan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle emperyalistlerin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 <\/span>\u00e7\u0131kar pazarl\u0131klanna (ya da tek bir emperyalist \u00fclkenin b\u00f6l ve y\u00f6net po\u00ad<\/span>litikas\u0131na) ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u00e7izilmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu tarihsel olu\u015fumun g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 miras ikilidir. Birincisi, Af\u00adrika toplumlan hen\u00fcz bir ulusla\u015fma s\u00fcreci ya\u015famadan, toplum i\u00e7inden <\/span>kaynaklanan hi\u00e7bir organik geli\u015fme bir ulusun olu\u015fumuna i\u015faret et\u00ad<\/span>mezken, emperyalist devletlerin y\u00f6netsel birimleri temel al\u0131narak s\u0131n\u0131rlan <\/span>\u00e7izilen “ulusal” devletler, bazan birbirlerinin ezeli d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olan ka\u00adbileleri ayn\u0131 devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlan i\u00e7inde birle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Bunun sonucu <\/span>g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bir\u00e7ok Afrika \u00fclkesinde merkezi devletin kabileler aras\u0131 <\/span>m\u00fccadele ve sava\u015f dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bunal\u0131m i\u00e7ine girmesidir. Birka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6nce <\/span>\u00c7ad’da patlak veren i\u00e7 sava\u015f ger\u00e7ekte bir kabileler sava\u015f\u0131 idi. Angola’da MPLA ile UNITA aras\u0131nda h\u00e2l\u00e2 sona ermeyen sava\u015f, MPLA’n\u0131n bir de\u00ad<\/span>mokratik devrimin g\u00f6revleri do\u011frultusunda verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadelenin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, kabileler aras\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerin de \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr: MPLA esas olarak ba\u015fkent Luanda civar\u0131nda ya\u015fayan Kimbundular ile Zaire s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda ya\u015fayan Ba-kongolan temsil ederken, UNITA i\u00e7 b\u00f6lgelerde ya\u015fayan Umbundulann temsilcisi niteli\u011fini ta\u015f\u0131r.3\u00b0 Bug\u00fcn ABD y\u00f6netiminde, T\u00fcrkiye’nin de kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir uluslaras\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn i\u015fgali alt\u0131nda olan Somali’de ise, merkezi <\/span>devletin bir kabileler sava\u015f\u0131 sonucunda b\u00fct\u00fcn otoritesini yitirdi\u011fi bi\u00ad<\/span>liniyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n emperyalist \u00e7\u0131karlara uygun \u00e7izilmi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n bir ikinci so\u00adnucu, d\u00fc\u015fman kabileler ayn\u0131 devletin \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplan\u0131rken ayn\u0131 ka\u00ad<\/span>bilenin iki ayn devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlan aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi olmu\u015ftur. Somali bu a\u00e7\u0131dan da tipik bir \u00f6rnektir. \u00dclke 1960’da ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kavu\u015ftu\u011funda, <\/span>yaln\u0131zca (Frans\u0131z Somalisi diye de an\u0131lan) Cibuti, stratejik \u00f6nemi <\/span>dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Frans\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcrge y\u00f6netiminin elinde kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayn\u0131 za\u00ad<\/span>manda hem Etyopya’n\u0131n Ogaden b\u00f6lgesinde, hem de Kenya’n\u0131n ku\u00ad<\/span>zeyinde Somalili kabilelerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 topraklar bulunuyordu.31<\/sup> Ogaden, Somali ile Etyopya aras\u0131nda ony\u0131llarca s\u00fcrecek bir anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n konusu <\/span>olacak, de\u011fi\u015fen ittifaklar i\u00e7inde ABD ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin b\u00f6lgeye po\u00adlitik m\u00fcdahalesi i\u00e7in ortam yaratacakt\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu tart\u0131\u015fmadan \u00e7\u0131kan bir sonuca da i\u015faret etmeden ge\u00e7emeyece\u011fim. <\/span>Globalizmin, son y\u0131llarda parlayan milliyet\u00e7iliklere \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bir a\u00e7\u0131klama <\/span>bulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bunlar\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015fin kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131 mitolojilere at\u00ad<\/span>fetti\u011fini ve bu y\u00fczden “kabilecilik” ad\u0131n\u0131 takt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Vard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z <\/span>noktada nihayet globalizmin hakl\u0131 oldu\u011fu bir y\u00f6n ke\u015ffetmi\u015f oluyoruz. <\/span>Afrika’da baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde ger\u00e7ekten kabileci \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar ya\u015fan\u0131yor. <\/span>Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla globalizmin teorik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 de\u011filse bile kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ter<\/span> minoloji Afrika i\u00e7in do\u011frudur. Do\u011fu’yu ararken Bat\u0131’y\u0131 ke\u015ffeden Ko-lomb’dan 500 y\u0131l sonra, Kolomb’un kendisi kadar s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ruhlu to\u00ad<\/span>runlar\u0131, uydu teknolojisinden hareketle Afrika’daki politik durumu <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ne kadar global bir teori!<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn \u00f6nemi<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Son d\u00f6nemde milliyet\u00e7i hareketlerin yo\u011funlu\u011fu konusunda buraya kadar <\/span>yap\u0131lan tahlil iki dizi etkene i\u015faret ediyor. Birincisi, sermayenin ulus-<\/span>lararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya sisteminin b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>y\u00f6releri \u00fczerinde genel olarak milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin g\u00fcndeme gelmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir etki yarat\u0131yor. \u00eekinci k\u00fcmede yer alan etkenler ise belirli b\u00f6lge ya da <\/span>\u00fclkelere \u00f6zg\u00fc ve yerel etkiye sahip. Dikkatle bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir ki, birinci, genel etken, sermayenin tarihsel hareketinin uzun <\/span>d\u00f6nemli, yap\u0131sal e\u011filimlerinden kaynaklan\u0131r, etkisi ancak ony\u0131llar <\/span>\u00fczerinden \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclebilir, ikinci k\u00fcmede s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen etkenlerden sadece biri, b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinin bunal\u0131m\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcrel bir e\u011filimdir. Bu kon-<\/span>jonkt\u00fcrel etken, Yugoslavya’dan Orta Asya’ya kadar milliyet\u00e7i <\/span>\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n neden bu kadar yo\u011fun ve \u015fiddetli oldu\u011fu sorusuna bir <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klama getiriyor elbette. Ama b\u00f6lgesel nitelik ta\u015f\u0131yan bir etken oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, ba\u015fka b\u00f6lgelerdeki hareketlere birer \u00f6rnek olman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, mil\u00adliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin (ve ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imleri alt\u0131nda partik\u00fclarizmin) genel <\/span>y\u00fckseli\u015fini <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klayamaz. \u00d6rneklemek gerekirse, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>\u00eeslco\u00e7 milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin y\u00fckseli\u015fini, Valon-Flaman \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131, Tamillerle <\/span>Sinh\u00e2llerin birbirini do\u011framas\u0131n\u0131, Somali kabilelerinin birbirine girmesini ya da Hindistan’da cemaat\u00e7i \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n barbarl\u0131k d\u00fczeyine varmas\u0131n\u0131 toplu halde ve b\u00fct\u00fcnsel olarak a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131 beklemek, nedensellik kav\u00adram\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131nmaz hale getirmek olur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse \u015f\u00f6yle bir soruyla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z: d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir <\/span>k\u00f6\u015fesinde milliyet\u00e7iliklerin ve ba\u015fka t\u00fcr partik\u00fclarizmlerin son \u00fc\u00e7-be\u015f <\/span>y\u0131l i\u00e7inde hep birlikte f\u0131\u015fk\u0131rmas\u0131 neye ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r? Soruyu ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imde <\/span>de sorabiliriz: bu yaz\u0131da s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen b\u00fct\u00fcn dinamikler neden tarihin bu <\/span>an\u0131nda aniden toplu halde su y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu sorunun cevab\u0131, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n i\u00e7inde ya\u015famakta oldu\u011fu genel kon\u00ad<\/span>jonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn iki temel ve\u00e7hesinde yat\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u2022 D\u00fcnya sisteminde alt\u00fcst olu\u015f: <\/span>20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n tarihi ortaya neredeyse <\/span>bir yasa d\u00fczenlili\u011fiyle tekrarlanan bir ili\u015fkiyi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yor: milliyet\u00e7ilik, d\u00fcnya sisteminin bunal\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7atlaklar\u0131ndan f\u0131\u015fk\u0131r\u0131r. <\/span>20.<\/span>y\u00fczy\u0131lda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin bir salg\u0131n gibi yery\u00fcz\u00fcne yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 her \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00f6nem <\/span>de d\u00fcnya sisteminin b\u00fcy\u00fck bunal\u0131mlar\u0131na rastlar. <\/span>I. <\/span>D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 <\/span>d\u00f6nemi, Avrasya kara par\u00e7as\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck imparatorlu\u011fu devirmi\u015f, bun\u00ad<\/span>lardan ikisinin, Osmanl\u0131 ve Habsburg hanedanlar\u0131n\u0131n topraklar\u0131nda <\/span>bir\u00e7ok ulusal devlet kurulmu\u015ftur. (Bu devletlerin ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde “ulusal” <\/span>oldu\u011fu ayr\u0131 konudur. “Ulus-devlet” denen devletlerin asl\u0131nda belirli bir <\/span>ulusun hakimiyetindeki devlet anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yukar\u0131da be\u00ad<\/span>lirtmi\u015ftim.) Sava\u015f’tan \u00f6nce ya\u015fanan Balkan sava\u015flar\u0131 ise tam da sistemin <\/span>bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>ilk g\u00f6stergeleriydi ve hen\u00fcz yeni bir d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>kap\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fi\u011finde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131 i\u00e7in uyar\u0131c\u0131 bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131r. <\/span>II. <\/span>D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 da en az\u0131ndan iki emperyalist imparatorlu\u011fun (ingiltere ve Fransa) da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131yla ve genel olarak s\u00f6m\u00fcrge sisteminin tasfiyesiyle sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u00c7in, Hindistan, Hindicini ve Afrika’da par\u00ad<\/span>layan milliyet\u00e7ilik ak\u0131mlar\u0131 meyvesini sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda emperyalistlerin <\/span>kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131nda ya\u015fanan bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fma s\u00fcrecinde verecekti.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Her iki durumda da milliyet\u00e7ilik bir neden de\u011fil bir sonu\u00e7tu. D\u00fcnya <\/span>sava\u015flar\u0131 ne bir S\u0131rp milliyet\u00e7isinin Avusturya ar\u015fid\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc <\/span>\u00f6ld\u00fcrmesinden, ne de Var\u015fova gettosundaki direni\u015ften do\u011fdu. Her iki\u00ad<\/span>sinde de d\u00fcnya sistemine hakim olan \u00fclkelerin aras\u0131ndaki dengelerin <\/span>alt\u00fcst olmas\u0131 sonucunda d\u00fcnyan\u0131n n\u00fcfuz b\u00f6lgeleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeniden <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc y\u00f6n\u00fcnde do\u011fmakta olan dinamikler, politikan\u0131n alan\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>\u00f6tesine ta\u015farak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerini sava\u015f alan\u0131nda buldu. Ama sistem bir kez bir <\/span>deprem ya\u015famaya, ony\u0131llar boyu neredeyse kutsalm\u0131\u015f\u00e7as\u0131na \u00fczerine tit\u00ad<\/span>renen ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar bir kez sorgulanmaya ve de\u011fi\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, <\/span>nihai hedefi kendi ulusuna bir devlet edinmek olan milliyet\u00e7ilik32<\/sup>, <\/span>g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn geldi\u011fini hissederek aya\u011fa kalkar. Devletler sisteminin <\/span><\/span>bunal\u0131m\u0131, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin f\u0131\u015fkird\u0131\u011f\u0131 verimli toprakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ya\u015fanan da budur. D\u00fcnya sistemi, 1980’li y\u0131llar\u0131n so\u00adnundan itibaren <\/span>II. <\/span>D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda kurulmu\u015f olan istikrar\u0131n\u0131 yitirmi\u015f ve k\u00fcresel olarak bir alt\u00fcst <\/span>olu\u015f d\u00f6nemine girmi\u015ftir. Bu d\u00f6nem de\u011fi\u015fimini belirleyen dinamikleri tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n yeri buras\u0131 de\u011fil. Yaln\u0131zca <\/span>iki temel dinami\u011fe i\u015faret etmekle yetinelim: Avrupa’daki b\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve Avrupa (Alman) ve Japon em\u00adperyalizmlerinin Amerikan hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n maddi temellerini ortadan <\/span>kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131. G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, d\u00fcnya sisteminin alt\u00fcst olu\u015f <\/span>bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7iren etkenlerin milliyet\u00e7ilikle do\u011frudan hi\u00e7bir <\/span>ili\u015fkisi yoktur. Bunal\u0131m\u0131 yaratan, yine, d\u00fcnya sistemine hakim olan <\/span>\u00fclkelerin aras\u0131ndaki (ekonomik, politik, askeri vb.) dengelerde ortaya <\/span>\u00e7\u0131kan radikal de\u011fi\u015fim olmu\u015ftur. Bu de\u011fi\u015fim ise ba\u015fta Avrasya kara <\/span>par\u00e7as\u0131nda olmak \u00fczere, b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada devletler sistemini bunal\u0131ma <\/span><\/span>sokmu\u015ftur. <\/span>Yalta sonras\u0131nda kutsal gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen uluslararas\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlar, <\/span>bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yan\u0131nda sorgulanmakta ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Helsinki <\/span>Nihai Senedi (1975), bu bak\u0131mdan Yalta d\u00fczeninin ge\u00e7 kalm\u0131\u015f bir <\/span>onay\u0131yd\u0131. B\u00fcy\u00fck rekl\u00e2mla imzalanan Paris \u015eart\u0131 (1992) ise, varolan <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131rlan de\u011fi\u015fmez il\u00e2n edi\u015fiyle tam bir karikat\u00fcrd\u00fcr.<\/span> \u0130\u015fte devletler sisteminin bu bunal\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r ki, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n <\/span>sonunda \u00e7o\u011fu insan\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rtan bir r\u00f6nesans ya\u015fama olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/span>Elbette, bunal\u0131m ve alt\u00fcst olu\u015f dinami\u011fi bir kez harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011finde, ker\u00advana her kat\u0131lan milliyet\u00e7ilik, depremi biraz daha sars\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 hale getirir. <\/span>Belirli bir a\u015famadan sonra neden ile sonu\u00e7 i\u00e7ice girer, ikisini ay\u0131rmak olana\u011f\u0131 ortadan kalkar. Ama bu tarihsel geli\u015fmenin genel bir \u00f6zelli\u011fidir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Laboratuvardan farkl\u0131 olarak ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyada, her sonu\u00e7, y\u0131\u011f\u0131l\u0131r <\/span>s\u00fcrecin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunarak ayn\u0131 zamanda bir neden <\/span>gelir, \u00f6nemli olan \u015fu saptamad\u0131r: bunal\u0131m\u0131n temelinde d\u00fcny\u00ee <\/span>gelelinin de\u011fi\u015fmesi yat\u0131yor; bu y\u00fczden de yeni bir denge kurulma <\/span>yeni\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>bir\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>istikrar\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>yerle\u015fmedik\u00e7e,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>milliyet\u00e7i\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>m\u00fccadeleler\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>si: <\/span>yar\u0131klar\u0131nda ya\u015famaya devam edecektir. Yak\u0131n gelecekte gerici ya <\/span>rici, her t\u00fcrden ulusal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, m\u00fccadele ve bo\u011fazla\u015fma oisi <\/span><\/span>yay\u0131lacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u2022 S\u0131n\u0131f ve ulus: <\/span>D\u00fcnya sisteminin bir alt\u00fcst olu\u015f d\u00f6nemine j <\/span>olmas\u0131, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na neden yaln\u0131zca <\/span>ulusal m\u00fccadelelerin y\u00fckseli\u015f <\/span>girdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klayamaz. i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn ikine <\/span>ve\u00e7hesi, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin (ve genel olarak partik\u00fclarizmin) bu y\u00fcksel <\/span>\u00f6nko\u015fulu olmu\u015ftur: i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerinin (baz\u0131 yerel isti: d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda) durgunlu\u011fu.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin son d\u00f6nemdeki geli\u015fme e\u011frisi, kendi basma <\/span>uzad\u0131ya tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken, ekonomik, sosyolojik, hatta felsei <\/span>yutlan olan bir konu. Burada ben yaln\u0131zca iki noktaya parmak basm <\/span>tiyorum.\u00a0 <\/span>Birincisi,\u00a0 <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0 <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>(ya\u00a0 <\/span>da proletaryan\u0131n)\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>topl\u0131 <\/span>varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kalkmakta oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin teorilerin savur <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn aksine, emperyalist \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ileri bile 80’li y\u0131llarda , <\/span>m\u00fccadeleler vermi\u015fler, ama bu m\u00fccadeleler yerel kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in <\/span>zaman yenilgiyle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi! <\/span>durgunlu\u011fun konjonkt\u00fcrel ve ge\u00e7ici oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmek, hi\u00e7 de <\/span>matik bir tav\u0131r de\u011fildir, ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok verisi bu y\u00f6ne i\u015far <\/span>mektedir. \u0130kincisi, bu konjonkt\u00fcrel ve ge\u00e7ici durum esas olarak33 <\/sup>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>politik\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>sorunlar\u0131yla,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>yani\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>bir\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00f6ne <\/span>bunal\u0131m\u0131yla belirlenmektedir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca ak\u0131mlar\u0131 (k <\/span>sosyal demokrasi, resmi kom\u00fcnizm, Maocu ya da Arnavut\u00e7u Stalin bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda bir bunal\u0131m i\u00e7indedir. Bu geleneksel \u00f6nderlik <\/span>yerini hen\u00fcz ba\u015fka bir \u00f6nderlik alamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7indir ki i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadel <\/span>yerel, k\u0131smi ve yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olarak kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0 <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerindeki bu bunal\u0131m, s\u0131n\u0131f aidiyetinin, <\/span>kimli\u011finin i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i kitleler aras\u0131nda gerilemesine ve ba\u015fka ai< ve kimliklerin (ulusal, dinsel, etnik, kabile) \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na uygu <\/span>ortam yarat\u0131r. S\u0131mf kimliklerinin gerilemesi, bu y\u00fczden her t\u00fcrl\u00fc <\/span>tik\u00fclarizmin\u00a0 <\/span>canlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nko\u015fuludur.\u00a0 <\/span>Ko\u015fullar de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi\u00a0 <\/span>ve <\/span>letaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fckseldi\u011fi takdirde, partik\u00fclarizm ve en t <\/span>milliyet\u00e7ilik bug\u00fcnk\u00fc konumunu yitirecektir.\u00a0 <\/span>Bu bizi sonucum\u0131 <\/span>e\u015fi\u011fine getiriyor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Milliyet\u00e7i barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda proleter enternasyonalizm<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda, uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcrecinin kapitalist \u00fcretim I \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde s\u00fcrekli olarak kendi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 do\u011furdu\u011funu ileri siire\u0131 <\/span>bunun kapitalizmin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 en temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerden birinin <\/span>\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu belirtmi\u015ftim. Bu a\u015famada art\u0131k bu temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ele <\/span>alabiliriz. Yukar\u0131da g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131mn yeni milliyet\u00e7ilikleri k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmas\u0131, kapitalist \u00fcretimin b\u00fct\u00fcn birey ve grup\u00ad<\/span>lar\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 piyasa denen girdaba s\u00fcr\u00fcklemesinden kaynaklan\u0131r. Bu yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f, herkesin iradesinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, k\u00f6r ve bilin\u00e7siz bi\u00e7imde <\/span>i\u015fleyen d\u00fcnyada, her birey ve grup di\u011ferleriyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelir, bir\u00ad<\/span>birinin rakibi konumuna girer, b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmden daha b\u00fcy\u00fck pay alma yolunda di\u015fe di\u015f bir m\u00fccadeleye s\u00fcr\u00fcklenir. D\u00fcnya piyasas\u0131 sadece “insan\u0131n <\/span>insan\u0131n kurdu” oldu\u011fu bir ortam yaratmakla kalmaz; ulusu da ulusun <\/span>kurdu haline getirir. \u00dcstelik, kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda, bu b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 ihtiya\u00e7lar de\u011fil, sermayenin art\u0131-de\u011fer a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirler. Sermayenin i\u015ftah\u0131 hi\u00e7bir fiziksel ya da hayali ihtiya\u00e7la s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 <\/span>de\u011fildir. Hep daha \u00e7ok art\u0131-de\u011fer aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fundan ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 <\/span>sonsuzdur. \u0130\u015fte b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, her ge\u00e7en y\u0131l b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fen d\u00fcnya eko\u00ad<\/span>nomisinin, s\u0131n\u0131flararas\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, uluslar aras\u0131nda bir b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm m\u00fccadelesinin de k\u0131zg\u0131nla\u015fan arenas\u0131 haline gelmesine yol <\/span>a\u00e7ar.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Burada, \u00f6nce, sermayenin yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc tek bir toplum haline getirmekle <\/span>birlikte bu tek toplumun \u00fczerinde tek bir devlet yaratmaktaki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011furdu\u011fu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Para-sermaye, yukar\u0131da anlat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, <\/span>devasa \u00f6l\u00e7ekte bir uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma ya\u015famaktad\u0131r ama, uluslararas\u0131 bur\u00adjuvazi tek bir d\u00fcnya paras\u0131 yaratamamaktad\u0131r. Sermaye ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ve \u00fcretimin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, en b\u00fcy\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de dahil tek tek \u00fclkelerde eko\u00ad<\/span>nomik konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 olanaks\u0131z k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ama, <\/span>uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazi bir d\u00fcnya merkez bankas\u0131 yaratamamaktad\u0131r. <\/span>D\u00fcnya burjuvazisinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u015fu ya da bu \u00fclkede ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan <\/span>geli\u015fmelerin, gerekirse askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 da\u00ad<\/span>yatmaktad\u0131r ama, uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazi bir d\u00fcnya ordusu ya\u00adratamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu \u00e7eli\u015fki, yani d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ekonomik olarak <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015firken politik par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcregitmesi, kapitalizmin 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonunda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerden biridir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin kendisi ise daha derinde yatan bir ba\u015fka \u00e7eli\u015fkinin <\/span>\u00fczerinde y\u00fckseliyor. Sermaye, kendi tarihsel hareketi i\u00e7inde \u00fcretime ve <\/span>\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lere uluslararas\u0131 bir karakter kazand\u0131r\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7ok <\/span>say\u0131da sermaye olarak var olmak sermayenin do\u011fas\u0131ndan ileri gelen bir <\/span>zorunluluktur. Bu y\u00fczden sermayenin hakimiyetindeki bir d\u00fcnyada \u00e7ok <\/span>say\u0131da devletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na son verilemez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc varolan “ulusal” devletler sermayenin farkl\u0131 dilimleri i\u00e7in en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc m\u00fccadele ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biridir, <\/span>\u00f6yleyse sermaye insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, uluslararas\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir ekonomi \u00fczerinde <\/span>y\u00fckselen par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f (s\u00f6zde ulusal) bir devletler sistemi ile ya\u015famaya <\/span>mahk\u00fbm eder. Ama bu tam da 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lda ya\u015fanan ve (kapitalizm <\/span>s\u00fcrerse) 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda \u00e7ok daha yo\u011funlukla ya\u015fanaca\u011f\u0131na hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku ol\u00ad<\/span>mayan b\u00fcy\u00fck bunal\u0131m ve sava\u015flar\u0131n anahtar\u0131n\u0131 verir. Kapitalizm, \u00fcretimin ve \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin uluslararasila\u015fmas\u0131yla ulusal devletlerin <\/span>varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131nda temel bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiden muzdariptir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u0130\u015fte bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiden dolay\u0131d\u0131r ki, insanl\u0131k birbirine yakla\u015ft\u0131k\u00e7a uzak<\/span>la\u015f\u0131yor, k\u00fclt\u00fcrler i\u00e7ice girdik\u00e7e birbirine d\u00fc\u015fman oluyor, farkl\u0131 ulus\u00ad<\/span>lardan insanlar birlikte ya\u015fad\u0131k\u00e7a ayn d\u00fcnyalar\u0131n insanlar\u0131 haline geliyor, <\/span>\u00ee\u015fte bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiden dolay\u0131d\u0131r ki uluslar birbirlerinin bo\u011faz\u0131na sar\u0131l\u0131yor, <\/span>kitleler halinde birbirlerini do\u011fruyorlar. ister Halep\u00e7e’de olsun, ister <\/span>Ayodhya’da, ister Johannesburg’da olsun, ister Baku’da, vatan, ulus ve din ad\u0131na i\u015flenen cinayetler, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nas\u0131l k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bel\u00ad<\/span>geliyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ama daha en k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc ba\u015flamad\u0131. Bug\u00fcn tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz barbarl\u0131k sah\u00ad<\/span>neleri, farkl\u0131 uluslardan emperyalist burjuvazinin d\u00fcnya \u00fczerinde ha\u00ad<\/span>kimiyet i\u00e7in verece\u011fi sava\u015f\u0131n yarataca\u011f\u0131 trajedinin yan\u0131nda bir basit <\/span>prova, prova ne demek, bir ilkokul m\u00fcsameresi kadar masum kal\u0131r. Mil\u00adliyet\u00e7iliklerin en sinsisi, en kibirlisi, en sald\u0131rgan\u0131 olan emperyalist mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ilik, ayn\u0131 zamanda teknolojinin g\u00fcc\u00fcyle donanm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in en barband\u0131r da. E\u011fer emperyalistler aras\u0131nda iyice yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f olan \u00e7\u0131kar <\/span>\u00e7eli\u015fkileri bir tak\u0131m \u00f6nko\u015fullar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesiyle insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n <\/span>g\u00fcndemine bir \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’n\u0131 getirecek olursa, burjuva uy\u00ad<\/span>garl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n son \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, d\u00fcnya tarihinde e\u015fi benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir bar\u00ad<\/span>barl\u0131k olacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n hakim oldu\u011fu bir d\u00fcnya \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze iki al\u00ad<\/span>ternatif koyuyor: ya milliyet\u00e7i bo\u011fazla\u015fma, ya da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc uluslar\u0131n \u00f6tekileri k\u00f6lece boyunduruk alt\u0131nda tuttu\u011fu bir emperyalist “bar\u0131\u015f”, hangi em\u00ad<\/span>peryalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda olursa olsun bir “Yeni D\u00fcnya <\/span>D\u00fczeni”. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fc yerini bir istikrar d\u00f6nemine b\u0131rakana kadar bunlardan birincisi neredeyse ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n <\/span>ya\u015fam\u0131na damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuracakt\u0131r. \u0130stikrara ve emperyalist “bar\u0131\u015f”a ge\u00e7i\u015fin <\/span>yolunda muhtemeldir ki milyonlarca insan\u0131n vatan ve ulus u\u011fruna kan\u0131 <\/span>akacakt\u0131r. O durumda bile “ban\u015f”a ge\u00e7i\u015fin garantisi yoktur: “Ma\u00ad<\/span>jesteleri” Krali\u00e7e Sofia’nm hakl\u0131 olarak belirtti\u011fi gibi, insanl\u0131k bir \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131nda yok olma tehdidiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Emperyalist ya da de\u011fil, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i bo\u011fazla\u015fmalardan kur\u00ad<\/span>tulu\u015funun tek yolu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde uluslararas\u0131 bir devrimci <\/span>m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z g\u00fcnlerde, em\u00ad<\/span>peryalizmin sinir merkezlerinde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi zay\u0131fken, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>politik hareketi bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc i\u00e7indeyken bu t\u00fcr bir devrimci canlanma el\u00ad<\/span>bette \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck bir olas\u0131l\u0131k gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnecektir. Ama bir an durup <\/span>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnelim. 1917 y\u0131l\u0131nda, b\u00fct\u00fcn “uygar d\u00fcnya” birbirini do\u011framakla <\/span>me\u015fgulken Rus i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve askerleri d\u00fcnya tarihinin g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011fu en bask\u0131c\u0131 devletlerden birini y\u0131kmad\u0131lar m\u0131 ? Uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ha\u00ad<\/span>reketi sosyal \u015fovenler taraf\u0131ndan her \u00fclkede emperyalist katliam\u0131n emrine ko\u015fulmu\u015ftu. Ama Rusya’daki devrim, s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi bir anda <\/span>alt\u00fcst etti. Sava\u015f, Macaristan’dan \u0130talya’ya, Berlin’den Finlandiya’ya kadar uzanan bir dizi ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 ve ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z devrimci ayaklanma taraf\u0131ndan <\/span>u\u011furland\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bug\u00fcn belki tek bir \u00fclkede, belki bir b\u00f6lgede ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak bir dev\u00adrimci ayaklanma uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin fizyonomisini ba\u015ftan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirecektir. G\u00fcney Afrika’da ya da Brezilya’da ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir devrim, <\/span>Avrupa’da ciddi bir kitlesel hareketlenme, Do\u011fu Avrupa’da bir kitlesel <\/span>patlama — senaryolar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011faltmak, olas\u0131l\u0131klar \u00fczerine spek\u00fclasyon yapmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn; s\u00f6ylenemeyecek tek \u015fey bu olas\u0131l\u0131klar ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011finde ulus\u00adlararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinde bir r\u00f6nesans ya\u015fanmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bir uluslararas\u0131 devrim hareketinin mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ili\u011fin panzehiri olarak sunulmas\u0131na bir itiraz daha yap\u0131labilir: bug\u00fcn birbirinin bo\u011faz\u0131na sar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f uluslar, yar\u0131n birbiriyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya girecek <\/span>yeni uluslar, devrimci bir proleter hareketinin saflar\u0131nda bir araya ge\u00ad<\/span>lebilecekler midir ? Hele bu uluslar ayn\u0131 politik birimin co\u011frafyas\u0131 i\u00e7inde bir arada ya\u015f\u0131yorlarsa: T\u00fcrk ile K\u00fcrt’\u00fcn, Bo\u015fnak ile S\u0131rp’\u0131n, beyaz Ame\u00ad<\/span>rikal\u0131 ile siyah\u0131n, Amerika yerlisi ile criollo’nun34<\/sup>, Hindu ile <\/span>M\u00fcsl\u00fcman’\u0131n, onca horlama ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmadan, onca katliamdan sonra <\/span>ayn\u0131 saflarda yolda\u015f\u00e7a m\u00fccadele etmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fcd\u00fcr?<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tarih m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. <\/span>I. <\/span>D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’nda d\u00f6rt y\u0131l bo\u00ad<\/span>yunca Rus i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerini, \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmemek i\u00e7in \u00f6ld\u00fcren, onlara kar\u015f\u0131 <\/span>en \u015foven duygularla \u015fartland\u0131r\u0131lan Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri, Ekim devriminden sonra onlarla cephelerde karde\u015f\u00e7e sanl\u0131\u015fmad\u0131lar m\u0131, daha da ileri gi\u00ad<\/span>derek onlar\u0131 taklit edip 1918’de Alman Ekimi i\u00e7in ayaklanmad\u0131lar m\u0131 ? <\/span>Ayn\u0131 devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlan i\u00e7inde ya\u015fayanlara da bir\u00e7ok \u00f6rnek var. <\/span>II. <\/span>D\u00fcnya <\/span>Sava\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6neminde Naziler S\u0131rplar\u0131 do\u011frarken H\u0131rvatlar\u0131 kollayarak Yu\u00ad<\/span>goslavya halklar\u0131n\u0131 birbirine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, iki halk\u0131n eli kanl\u0131 <\/span>milliyet\u00e7ileri de (her ikisi de bir a\u015famada Hitler’le i\u015fbirli\u011fine giren <\/span>H\u0131rvat Usta\u015filer ve S\u0131rp \u00c7etnikler) birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 en gaddar kat\u00ad<\/span>liamlar\u0131 d\u00fczenlemekte teredd\u00fct etmemi\u015flerdi. Ama kendisi bir H\u0131rvat <\/span>olan Tito’nun b\u00fct\u00fcn Yugoslavya halklar\u0131ndan seferber edilmi\u015f olan par\u00adtizanlar\u0131, i\u015fgalci Nazi g\u00fc\u00e7lerine ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i burjuva y\u00f6netimlerine kar\u015f\u0131 verdikleri m\u00fccadele sonucunda \u00f6teki halklar\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi, kanl\u0131 b\u0131\u00e7akl\u0131 <\/span>olmu\u015f S\u0131rp ve H\u0131rvat emek\u00e7ilerini de Yugoslav devrimi etraf\u0131nda <\/span>birle\u015ftirmeyi ba\u015fard\u0131lar. Bug\u00fcn H\u0131rvat, S\u0131rp ve Bo\u015fnaklar\u0131n bir daha bir\u00ad<\/span>likte m\u00fccadele edemeyeceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenlere o d\u00f6nemdeki <\/span>bo\u011fazla\u015fman\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fcnden daha az kanl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlatmak ge\u00adrekiyor. Do\u011fu Avrupa’n\u0131n bir \u0130ngiliz tarih\u00e7isi (\u00fcstelik kom\u00fcnizme hi\u00e7 <\/span>sempati duymayan bir tarih\u00e7i) durumun trajikli\u011fini m\u00fckemmel bi\u00e7imde <\/span>\u00f6zetliyor:<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Yugoslavya’da, bir ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131 olman\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra, etnik <\/span>gruplar aras\u0131 bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f ve ideolojik bir sosyal devrimci sava\u015f ni\u00adteli\u011fi de ta\u015f\u0131yan sava\u015f, insan\u0131 tiksindirecek derecede y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 oldu. <\/span>Yakla\u015f\u0131k bir milyon yedi y\u00fcz elli bin –n\u00fcfusun onda birinden fazla\u2014 <\/span>insan \u00f6ld\u00fc. Hayvan s\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn yar\u0131s\u0131 telef oldu. Demiryolu va\u00ad<\/span>gonlar\u0131n\u0131n ve te\u00e7hizat\u0131n\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131, saban stokunun ve demiryolu <\/span>k\u00f6pr\u00fclerinin d\u00f6rtte \u00fc\u00e7\u00fc, karayollar\u0131n\u0131n be\u015fte \u00fc\u00e7\u00fc, sanayi \u00fcretim ka\u00ad<\/span>pasitesinin \u00fc\u00e7te biri, .konut stokunun be\u015fte biri imha oldu. Ama b\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>bu \u015fiddet ve katliamdan, bu nefret ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fckten, diren\u00e7, kah\u00ad<\/span>ramanl\u0131k, yeni bir ulusal birlik ve bir ortak hedef duygusu <\/span>do\u011facakt\u0131.35<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketi elbette ne tek tek \u00fclkelerde, ne de d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda kendi <\/span>ba\u015f\u0131na hareket etmeyecek. Gerek tekil \u00fclkelerin her birinde, gerek d\u00fcnya <\/span>\u00e7ap\u0131nda, ileri gitmeye haz\u0131r, burjuvaziyle nesnel olarak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fen <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal grup ve katmanlar\u0131 genel bir kurtulu\u015f bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda toplamak zorunda, i\u015fte bu m\u00fcttefiklerin aras\u0131nda en \u00f6nemli yerlerden biri <\/span>ezilen ulus, \u0131rk ve etnik gruplar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesine ayr\u0131lacak. 21. <\/span>y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n devrimi, Amerika k\u0131tas\u0131n\u0131n yerlilerinin, ABD’nin siyahlar\u0131n\u0131n ve Latin Amerikal\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7menlerinin, Avrupa’n\u0131n yabanc\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin ve <\/span>m\u00fcltecilerinin, Kara Afrika’n\u0131n ezilen uluslar\u0131n\u0131n, Ortado\u011fu’nun <\/span>K\u00fcrtlerinin ve Filistinlilerinin ve ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n, ve ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde yer <\/span>alaca\u011f\u0131 bir b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u015fenlik olacak. Devrim, bayra\u011f\u0131na sadece dev\u00adrimci Marksist \u00f6nderlerin de\u011fil, ezilen uluslar\u0131n kahramanlar\u0131n\u0131n, bir <\/span>Malcolm X’in, bir Steve Biko’nun, bir Jos\u011f <\/span>Mani’nin, bir Tupac <\/span>Amaru’nun, bir Sultan Galiev’in, bir Franz Fanon’un, bir Amilcar Cab-ral’in adlar\u0131n\u0131 da yazacak. Lenin’in deyi\u015fiyle, “her kim ‘an’ bir toplumsal <\/span>devrim bekliyorsa, b\u00f6yle bir devrimi g\u00f6rmek ona k\u0131smet olmayacak.”36<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu do\u011fruysa, ulusal m\u00fccadeleler aras\u0131nda k\u00f6kl\u00fc ay\u0131r\u0131mlar yapmak zo\u00adrunday\u0131z, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n nihai kurtulu\u015funun ama\u00e7lan a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, <\/span>bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan milliyet\u00e7i dalga i\u00e7inde yer alan farkl\u0131 t\u00fcrden m\u00fccadeleleri ayn\u0131 yere yerle\u015ftirenleyiz, \u00f6ncelikle, emperyalist \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve mil\u00ad<\/span>liyet\u00e7ilik, hangi bahanelerle hareket ederse etsin, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n gelece\u011finin <\/span>ve insan ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131r, ikincisi, d\u00fcnya hiyerar\u015fisi i\u00e7inde ko\u00adnumlan birbirine e\u015fit olan uluslar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7eki\u015fmeleri, <\/span>burjuvazi ne gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6sterirse g\u00f6stersin, gericidir. Bu milliyet\u00e7iliklerin <\/span>talepleri aras\u0131nda yaln\u0131zca tarihsel bak\u0131mdan d\u00fczeltilmesi gereken haks\u0131zl\u0131klara kulak verilebilir. (T\u00fcrkiye’de Ermeni soykmm\u0131n\u0131n ya da <\/span>Amerika’da Amerika yerlilerinin soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n kabul edilmesi ve buna <\/span>uygun ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmas\u0131 bu t\u00fcr taleplere en iyi \u00f6rneklerdir.) Milliyet\u00e7i bir ton ta\u015f\u0131sa bile mutlaka desteklenmesi gereken ulusal m\u00fccadeleler, ezilen <\/span>ulus ve \u0131rklar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ezilen uluslar kur\u00ad<\/span>tulmadan insanl\u0131k ban\u015famaz. Enternasyonalizmin yolu ezilen uluslann <\/span>kurtulu\u015fundan ge\u00e7er. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, ezilen uluslar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f <\/span>hareketi, <\/span>nesnel etkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, <\/span>milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin gerici kamp\u0131nda de\u011fil, en\u00ad<\/span><\/span>ternasyonalizmin kamp\u0131ndad\u0131r.37<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Burjuvazi ise ne ezilen uluslann, ne de enternasyonalizmin yan\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc globalizm enternasyonalizm de\u011fildir, bu yeni-liberalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda <\/span>emperyalist sermayenin d\u00fcnya turunun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri kald\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelik bir ideolojidir. Yani tebdili k\u0131yafet etmi\u015f bir emperyalist mil\u00adliyet\u00e7iliktir. \u00dcstelik globalizmin ya\u015fam\u0131 liberalizminki kadar k\u0131r\u0131lgand\u0131r. <\/span>Yann kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131 derinle\u015fti\u011finde, bu son\u00adbaharda ilk \u00f6rne\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz ticaret sava\u015flar\u0131 k\u0131z\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda38<\/sup>, d\u00f6viz <\/span>piyasalar\u0131 bunal\u0131ma d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, emperyalist d\u00fcnyada bug\u00fcn de gizliden <\/span>gizliye verilmekte olan ekonomik sava\u015f a\u00e7\u0131k hale geldi\u011finde ve d\u00fcnyay\u0131 <\/span>ekonomik bloklara b\u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, burjuva ideologlar\u0131, d\u00fcn Keynes\u00e7ili\u011fi <\/span>nas\u0131l kolayca terkettilerse, bug\u00fcn de \u00fczerinde onca m\u00fcrekkep ve nefes harcad\u0131klar\u0131 globalist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini terkederek yeniden kaba milliyet\u00e7iler haline gelmekte sak\u0131nca g\u00f6rmeyeceklerdir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n karde\u015f\u00e7e kayna\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini ancak proleter en\u00ad<\/span>ternasyonalizmi verebilir. Ama globalizmden farkl\u0131 olarak proleter en\u00ad<\/span>ternasyonalizmi milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ve ulusal devletlerin g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc dol\u00ad<\/span>durdu\u011funu, y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 ezen beyaz insan\u0131n k\u00fcstah <\/span>kibrinin ferman\u0131yla il\u00e2n edemez. Enternasyonalizm, ulusal <\/span>d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n ve e\u015fitsizliklerin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rman\u0131n <\/span>m\u00fccadelesini vermek demektir.3<\/sup>\u00bb Ancak bu ko\u015fullar devrimci bir alt\u00fcst <\/span>olu\u015f s\u00fcrecinde ad\u0131m ad\u0131m sa\u011flanabilirse, ezilen uluslar ezenlerle, kendi <\/span>devletlerinin verdi\u011fi g\u00fcvenceye de yaslanarak, her an geni\u015fleyen bir zin\u00adcirin halkalar\u0131 halinde, federalizmin yolundan bir d\u00fcnya birli\u011fine do\u011fru <\/span>y\u00fcr\u00fcyebilirler. E\u011fer bu ger\u00e7ekle\u015firse, hi\u00e7bir ulus \u00f6tekinin yoksullu\u011fundan zengin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, hi\u00e7bir ulus bug\u00fcn\u00fcn beyaz insan\u0131n\u0131n kibrini ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>g\u00fcn, “bu \u015fiddet ve katliamdan, bu nefret ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fckten” yeni bir bir\u00adlik ruhu do\u011facak, ancak o zaman ulus ger\u00e7ekten g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc doldurmu\u015f ola\u00adcak ve nice toplumsal simge gibi bayraklar da antropoloji m\u00fczelerinde <\/span>yerlerini alacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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1<\/span><\/span>Madrid’de yay\u0131nlanan ABC <\/span>gazetesi, 27 Ekim 1992, s. 3.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

2<\/span><\/span><\/span>Globalizmin \u00e7ok daha ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir incelemesine Onbirinci <\/span>Tez’in son say\u0131s\u0131nda yer alan
\nbir yaz\u0131mda yer vermi\u015ftim: “Globalizm, Milliyet\u00e7ilik, Enternasyonalizm. Bir Uluslararas\u0131
\n<\/span><\/span>Demokrasi Program\u0131 \u0130\u00e7in \u00d6neriler”, say\u0131 12, \u015eubat 1993. Elinizdeki yaz\u0131, son d\u00f6nemin mil\u00ad
\n<\/span><\/span>liyet\u00e7i hareketlerinin dinami\u011fini ara\u015ft\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelik oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, globalizmin ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir
\nele\u015ftirisini\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>hedeflemiyor.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Burada\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>globalizm\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>yaln\u0131zca\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00e7a\u011fda;\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>milliyet\u00e7iliklerin
\n<\/span><\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131nda alternatif bir teorik ve ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7eve kimli\u011fiyle ele al\u0131n\u0131yor. Bu yaz\u0131 ile
\nOnbirind Tez <\/span>yaz\u0131s\u0131 birbirini tamamlar niteliktedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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3<\/span><\/span><\/span>Partik\u00fclarizm terimini evrensel olan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir toplulu\u011fa ait her t\u00fcrden \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fc
\n<\/span><\/span>kendine bayrak yapan b\u00fct\u00fcn hareketler i\u00e7in kullan\u0131yorum. Bu kullan\u0131m, ulusal, \u0131rksal, etnik
\nvb. \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fcklerle birlikte dini temelde hareketleri de kapsama avantaj\u0131na sahip.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

4 Bu \u00f6neriyi yapan Brian Unjuhart’\u0131n (“Toprak B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Kutsal De\u011fildir”, NPQ T\u00fcrkiye, <\/span>cilt 1, say\u0131 3, s.28-30) eski BM genel sekreter yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011fu g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131n\u0131rsa \u00f6nerinin <\/span>ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k kavranabilir. <\/span>Urquhart’a haks\u0131zl\u0131k <\/span>etmemek i\u00e7in <\/span>\u00f6nerisini BM’in i\u015fleyi\u015fini <\/span>demokratikle\u015ftirme \u00f6nerisine ba\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ekleyeyim.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

5<\/span><\/span>N.Gardels, a.g.m., s. 4 ve NPQ T\u00fcrkiye, a.g.m., s. 3.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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6<\/span><\/span><\/span>NPQ’nun Amerikal\u0131 yay\u0131nc\u0131s\u0131 S.K.Sheinbaum “Sadakat”, a.g.y., s. 80 bunu a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla dile
\n<\/span>getiriyor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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7<\/span><\/span><\/span>Globalizmin milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sergileyen en pop\u00fcler kitaplardan biri Harold Isa-
\n<\/span><\/span>acs taraf\u0131ndan yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Isaacs’\u0131n kitab\u0131, anlaml\u0131 bi\u00e7imde, Idols of the Tribe <\/span>Kabilenin
\n<\/span>Putlar\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

8<\/span><\/span><\/span>Modernle\u015fme teorisinin farkl\u0131 ele\u015ftirileri i\u00e7in bk. Sungur Savran, “Azgeli\u015fmi\u015flik: E\u015fitsiz
\nve Bile\u015fik Geli\u015fme”, Onbirinci Tez, <\/span>3, May\u0131s 1986.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

9<\/span><\/span><\/span>Robert Reich, “Gelecek, Beyin G\u00fcc\u00fc ile Altyap\u0131da”, NPQ T\u00fcrkiye, <\/span>cilt 1, say\u0131 3, K\u0131\u015f
\n<\/span>1992, s. 69. Reich, Clinton y\u00f6netiminde \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma Bakan\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rev yapmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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10<\/span><\/span>A.y.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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11<\/span><\/span><\/span>E.MandelA.Shaikh, “International Capitalism in Crisis — What Next ?”, <\/span>Bulletin in De-
\nfense of Mandsm, <\/span><\/span><\/span>100, Ekim-Kas\u0131m 1992, s. 27 ve E.Mandel, “Chaos as Capital Runs out
\n<\/span>of Control”, Sodalist Outlook, <\/span>32, 21 Kas\u0131m 1992, s. 8.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

14 R.Reich, a.g.m., s. 70.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

16 Bu benzetmeyi sadece Marksistler yapm\u0131yor. Ger\u00e7ek o kadar \u00e7\u0131plak ki, emperyalist \u00fclkelerin devlet adamlan ayn\u0131 benzetmeyi kendileri de yap\u0131yorlar, i\u015fte Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler M\u00fclteci Y\u00fcksek Komiserli\u011fi yapm\u0131\u015f, \u015fimdi Norve\u00e7 D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 olan Thorvald Stol-<\/span>tenberg: “So\u011fuk sava\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131nda y\u0131llarca s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve insanlar\u0131n bir yerden <\/span>bir yere serbest\u00e7e gitmesini savunan zengin Bat\u0131 \u00fclkeleri, \u015fimdi yoksul m\u00fcltecileri <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131ndan i\u00e7eri sokmamak i\u00e7in vize k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131 koyarak yeni bir Berlin duvar\u0131 in\u015fa <\/span>etmemelidir.” “Yeni K\u00fcresel M\u00fclteci T\u00fcr\u00fc”, NPQ T\u00fcrkiye, a.g.y., s. 58, vurgu sonradan. <\/span>Ya da daha \u00f6z\u00fcrc\u00fc bir tavnn sahibi, ATnun ABD b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi, Hollanda’n\u0131n eski ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Andries van Agt: “Berlin Duvan’n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinden sadece iki y\u0131l ge\u00e7tikten sonra, AT \u00fcyesi \u00fclkelerin kendi aralar\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131r denetimlerini kald\u0131rmaktan \u00e7ekinmemeleri <\/span>i\u00e7in Avrupa’ya yeni ve daha y\u00fcksek d\u0131\u015f duvarlar \u00f6rmek gibi, pek haks\u0131z say\u0131lamayacak <\/span>bir e\u011filim <\/span>olu\u015ftu.” “G\u00f6\u00e7men ve M\u00fclteci Sorunu”, NPQ T\u00fcrkiye, <\/span>a.g.y., s. 58, vurgu son\u00ad<\/span>radan. Haks\u0131z ya da de\u011fil, ama ger\u00e7ek ! <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

17 K.Marx, Kapital, <\/span>c.DI-1, \u00e7ev. Mehmet Selik, Odak Yay\u0131nlan, 1975, s. 674.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

18<\/span><\/span>Bu terim ger\u00e7ekte bir kamusal sigorta sistemine \u00e7ekicilik kazand\u0131ran ideolojik bir
\n<\/span><\/span>gere\u00e7tir. Bu konuda ayr\u0131nt\u0131 i\u00e7in bk. Sungur Savran, “Bunal\u0131m, Sermayenin Yeniden-
\n<\/span><\/span>Yap\u00fcanmas\u0131,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Yeni-Liberalizm”,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>N.Satl\u0131gan\/S.Savran\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>der.,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>D\u00fcnya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Kapitalizminin
\nBunal\u0131m\u0131, <\/span>Alan Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, istanbul, 1988, s. 51-53.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

19<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>L’Express, 3.4.1992, s. 40.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

20 \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00fcndem, 27.12.1992, s. 7.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

21<\/span><\/span>Slovakya\u00a0 <\/span>halk\u0131n\u0131n\u00a0 <\/span>\u00c7eklere\u00a0 <\/span>g\u00f6re\u00a0 <\/span>yoksullu\u011funu\u00a0 <\/span>ortaya\u00a0 <\/span>koyan\u00a0 <\/span>birka\u00e7\u00a0 <\/span>rakam:\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>1991
\n<\/span><\/span>GSMH’s\u0131 \u00c7ek \u00fclkesinde ki\u015fi ba\u015f\u0131na 7200 dolara ula\u015f\u0131rken, Slovakya’da 5960 dolar
\n<\/span><\/span>d\u00fczeyindeydi. Daha da \u00f6nemlisi, 1989 sonras\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7lenen kapitalist restorasyon e\u011filimi,
\n<\/span><\/span>Slovakya’da \u00e7ok daha a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131:\u00a0 <\/span>1991 sonunda, ekonomisi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00c7ek
\n<\/span>\u00fclkesinde i\u015fsizlik oran\u0131 hala \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckken % <\/em>2,5), s\u00f6zkonusu oran Slovakya’da % 10’u
\na\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bk. The Economist, 26.12.1992-8.1.1993, s.31<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

22 La Rept\u0131bblica, <\/span>29.9.1992. Asl\u0131nda Bossi’nin Kuzey Ligas\u0131 oylar\u0131n sadece % 34’\u00fcn\u00fc alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, ama % 7 oran\u0131nda oy da, Bossi’den koparak Alp Ligas\u0131’m kuran k\u0131zkarde\u015finin <\/span>partisine gitmi\u015ftir. Yine de % 34 Kuzey Ligas\u0131’m b\u00f6lgenin birinci partisi haline getirmeye yetmi\u015ftir. Bossi’nin Ligas\u0131, daha \u00f6nce S Nisan genel se\u00e7imlerinde b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130talya \u00e7ap\u0131nda % <\/em>8,2 oy alarak <\/span>b\u00fcy\u00fck bir <\/span>anl\u0131m yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Parti propagandas\u0131n\u0131n esas hedefi olan Kuzey <\/span>\u0130talya’da <\/span>ise oylar\u0131n % 16’s\u0131 Kuzey Ligas\u0131’na akm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. La Stampa<\/span>, <\/span>7.4.1992.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

23 Ulusal sorun tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda genel d\u00fczeyde yanl\u0131\u015f tezler savunmu\u015f olan Rosa Luxemburg (bu konuya Onbirinci Tez yaz\u0131mda ayr\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131yla de\u011findim), bir konuda \u00e7ok hakl\u0131d\u0131r: <\/span>Rosa’ya g\u00f6re, kapitalist d\u00f6nemin ko\u015fullar\u0131na en uygun devletin “ulusal devlet” oldu\u011fu var\u00adsay\u0131m\u0131 (Kautsky) do\u011fru de\u011fildir, bir\u00e7ok ulusu asimile eden “b\u00fcy\u00fck devlet” tipi kapitalizmin esas ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir. Rosa, bu soruna 1908’de “Ulusal Sorun ve \u00d6zerklik” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Leh\u00e7e <\/span>olarak yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f bir dizi makalesinde de\u011finir. Bu makalelerden se\u00e7meler \u015fu kaynakta <\/span>yer al\u0131yor G.Haupt-M.Lowy-C.We\u00fcl (der.), Les marxistes et la <\/span>question nationale 1848-<\/span><\/span>1914, <\/span>Maspero, Paris, 1974, s. 189-194.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

24<\/span><\/span>.L.Trotsky, The Balkan Wars 1912-1913, Monad Press, New York, 1980, s. 39.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

25<\/span><\/span><\/span>israil’in Irak’\u0131 ve iran’\u0131 b\u00f6lme konusunda en az\u0131ndan 80’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na kadar geri
\n<\/span><\/span>giden planlan konusunda bilgi i\u00e7in bk. Ralph Shoenman, Siyonizmin Gizli Tarihi, \u00e7ev.
\n<\/span>Ayd\u0131n Pesen, Kardelen Yay\u0131nlan, istanbul, 1992, s.103-109.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

26<\/span><\/span>Azerbaycan: T\u00fcrkl\u00fck Davas\u0131 m\u0131 ? Bir Ulusun Kendi Kaderini Tayin Hakk\u0131 m\u0131 ?,<\/span>Sosyalizm <\/span>Bro\u015f\u00fcr Dizisi 1, \u0130stanbul, 1990.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

27<\/span><\/span>“Berlin’den Bab\u00fc’e”, NPQ T\u00fcrkiye, <\/span>a.g.y., s. 21.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

28<\/span><\/span>“Volksgcist’\u0131n D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc”, a.y., s. 9. Vurgu sonradan.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

29<\/span><\/span><\/span>Claire Cohen, “The <\/span>Economic <\/span>State of Black America”, Bulletin in Defense of Mar-
\nrism, 101, Aral\u0131k 1992,1.3.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

30<\/span><\/span>Christine Messiant ile <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme, “The never-ending agony of Angola”, International <\/span><\/span><\/span>VI-
\n<\/span>ewpoint, 240,7 Aral\u0131k 1992, s. 24.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

31<\/span><\/span>Colin Legum der., Africa Handbook, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1969, s. 119-123.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

32 Ernest Gellner, milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerine \u00fcnl\u00fc kitab\u0131na \u015fu c\u00fcmleyle ba\u015fl\u0131yor: “Ulus\u00e7uluk te\u00ad<\/span>melde siyasal birim ile ulusal birimin \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren bir siyasal ilkedir.” Uluslar ve Ulus\u00e7uluk, <\/span><\/span>\u00e7ev. B\u00fc\u015fra Ersanl\u0131 Behar\/G\u00fcnay G\u00f6ksu \u00d6zdo\u011fan, insan yay\u0131nlan, \u0130stanbul, <\/span>1992, s. 19.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

33<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Esas <\/span><\/span><\/span>olarak diyorum \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sorunun, b\u00fcy\u00fcyen yedek sanayi ordusunun <\/span>proleta\u0131
\n<\/span>zay\u0131flatmas\u0131ndan, 801i yularda \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ele ge\u00e7iren yeni sa\u011f\u0131n (yeni-liberalizmin
\n<\/span><\/span><\/span>arruzuna kadar bir dizi fakt\u00f6rle do\u011frudan ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 var.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

34<\/span><\/span>“Criollo”,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>metropolden\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>gelerek\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeye\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>yerle\u015fmi\u015f,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>ama\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>s\u00f6m\u00fcrge\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>halk\u0131yla
\n<\/span>kar\u0131\u015fmam\u0131\u015f olanlara Latin Amerika’da verilen ad.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

35<\/span><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span>Joseph Rotschild, Return to Diversity. A Political History of East Central Europe
\n<\/span>since VVorld War <\/span><\/span>II, <\/span>Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1989, s. 57-58.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

36<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>V.l.Lenin, “Sosyalist Devrim <\/span><\/span><\/span>ve Uluslann Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 Tezler”, <\/span>Uluslar\u0131n
\n<\/span><\/span><\/span>Kaderlerini\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Tayin\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Hakk\u0131\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>i\u00e7inde,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Sol\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Yay\u0131nlan,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Ankara,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>1989,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>s.\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>153.\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00c7eviri
\nde\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

37<\/span><\/span>u\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>iddiay\u0131\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Onbirind\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Tez’in\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>son\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>say\u0131s\u0131nda\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>yay\u0131nlanan\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span>yaz\u0131mda\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>derinlemesine
\n<\/span><\/span><\/span>gerek\u00e7elendirdi\u011fim i\u00e7in burada temellendirmeye giri\u015fmiyorum.\u00a0 <\/span>Bk.\u00a0 <\/span>“Globalizm, Mil\u00ad
\nliyet\u00e7ilik, Enternasyonalizm. Bir <\/span><\/span><\/span>Uluslararas\u0131 Demokrasi Program\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00d6neriler”, <\/span>On\u00ad
\n<\/span><\/span><\/span>birind Tez, <\/span>12, \u015eubat <\/span>1993, \u00f6zellikle <\/span>II. <\/span>ve m. b\u00f6l\u00fcmler.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

38<\/span><\/span><\/span>ABD, bir ilk tehdit olarak, AT k\u00f6kenli baz\u0131 mallara ek vergi koydu\u011funda, \u0130ngiliz <\/span>The
\n<\/span><\/span><\/span>Guardian <\/span>gazetesi \u015f\u00f6yle bir ba\u015fl\u0131k at\u0131yordu: “D\u00fcnya Ticareti Kaosun E\u015fi\u011finde” 7.11.1992.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

39<\/span><\/span><\/span>Entemasyonalist sosyalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda ulusal soruna ili\u015fkin ne t\u00fcr somut <\/span>taleplerle
\n<\/span>ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini, programatik bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla Onbirinci Tez yaz\u0131s\u0131nda ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131
\n<\/span>olarak inceledi\u011fim i\u00e7in burada bu soruna girmiyorum. Bu konuda, 37 NoJu dipnotta verilen
\nkayna\u011f\u0131n <\/span><\/span>III. <\/span>ve <\/span>IV. <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerine bak\u0131labilir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

1992 y\u0131l\u0131, tarihin en b\u00fcy\u00fck ya\u011fma ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n 500. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcyd\u00fc. “Amerika’n\u0131n ke\u015ffi” olarak an\u0131lan bu tarihsel olay, “Fa-tihler”in \u00fclkesi \u0130spanya’da t\u00f6renlerle kutland\u0131. On y\u0131ld\u0131r sosyal demokrat bir h\u00fck\u00fcmetin y\u00f6netti\u011fi bu \u00fclkenin ba\u015f\u0131nda bir kral var. Kral\u0131n kar\u0131s\u0131 Krali\u00e7e Sof\u0131a’n\u0131n 500. y\u0131l vesilesiyle Ekim ay\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmay\u0131 \u0130spanyol b\u00fcy\u00fck bas\u0131n\u0131 pek be\u011feniyor ve bu […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[37],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-114","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-12-say"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/114","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=114"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/114\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":464,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/114\/revisions\/464"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=114"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=114"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=114"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}