— Pierre CISE<\/p>\n
Gerek bas\u0131nda gerek iktisadi ve siyasal literat\u00fcrde \u201cliberal\u201d veya \u201cneoliberal\u201d kelimelerine s\u0131k s\u0131k rastl\u0131yoruz, \u00f6rne\u011fin \u201cliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d, \u201cneoliberal politikalar\u201d, \u201cultraliberal\u201d, \u201csosyal liberalizm\u201d gibi \u00f6beklerin i\u00e7inde.<\/p>\n
\u0130ktisadi alanda liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, 18. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonu ve 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda, kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin bask\u0131n \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi haline gelmesiyle geli\u015fti. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ekol\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015fl\u0131ca temsilcileri ve savunucular\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngiliz olmas\u0131 tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yeni \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin en h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fti\u011fi yer \u0130ngiltere\u2019ydi. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in \u201cliberal\u201d terimi kullan\u0131l\u0131yordu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6zg\u00fcr giri\u015fimcilik (Latince liber<\/em>, \u00f6zg\u00fcr) ve serbest piyasan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015finin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc k\u0131s\u0131tlaman\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin olmazsa olmaz\u0131yd\u0131. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, o d\u00f6nemin bask\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce okulu olan merkantilizm 2<\/a><\/sup>, korumac\u0131l\u0131ktan ve devlet m\u00fcdahalesinden yanayd\u0131.<\/p>\n \u00dcretimde ya\u015fanan kapitalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, burjuvaziyi siyasal iktidar talep etmeye itti. Liberalizm, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce y\u00fckselen kapitalizmi ve burjuva iktidar\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce okuluydu. Marx\u2019\u0131n Kapital<\/em>\u2019in ikinci Almanca bask\u0131s\u0131na yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 sons\u00f6zde de\u011findi\u011fi genel durum da budur 3<\/a><\/sup>:<\/p>\n Bir yandan modern sanayi \u00e7ocukluk \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ndan kurtulmak \u00fczereydi (…) Di\u011fer yandan, hem h\u00fck\u00fcmetler ve Kutsal \u0130ttifak etraf\u0131nda toplanm\u0131\u015f feodal beyler aras\u0131ndaki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k, hem halk kitlelerine burjuvazinin \u00f6nderlik ediyor olmas\u0131, hem de sanayi sermayesi ve aristokrat toprak sahipleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u2013 bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma Fransa\u2019da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak malikleri aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131kta gizliydi \u2013 sermaye ve emek aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi arka plana itilmi\u015f bulunuyordu.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n \u0130lk liberaller (\u00f6zellikle Marx ve Engels taraf\u0131ndan) \u201cklasikler\u201d diye adland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunlar\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131calar\u0131 fizyokratlar, Adam Smith, David Ricardo ve baz\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lardan da Thomas R. Malthus\u2019tu. 4<\/a><\/sup> Bu grubun t\u00fcrde\u015f oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek g\u00fc\u00e7, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc hepsi kendi teorisini kapitalizmin farkl\u0131 evrelerinde geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir (Fizyokratlar ticaret kapitalizmi d\u00f6neminde, Smith man\u00fcfakt\u00fcr kapitalizmi, Ricardo ve Malthus da s\u0131nai kapitalizm d\u00f6neminde). Fakat hepsi de toplumun ve iktisad\u0131n kalbine piyasay\u0131 yerle\u015ftirmekteydi. Piyasan\u0131n di\u011fer ticaret ve \u00fcretim \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi bi\u00e7imlerinden \u00fcst\u00fcn oldu\u011funu iddia ediyorlard\u0131. Bu fikre g\u00f6re, piyasadaki her bir akt\u00f6r kendi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 (hatta Smith \u201cbencilce\u201d \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 diyordu) do\u011frultusunda hareket eder, ancak, piyasa sayesinde, bilin\u00e7sizce de olsa, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn, yani toplumun genel \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar. Adam Smith\u2019in me\u015fhur form\u00fcl\u00fcne g\u00f6re \u201cpiyasan\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez eli\u201d, piyasadaki akt\u00f6rleri bilin\u00e7siz bir \u015fekilde y\u00f6netir. Bu \u015fekilde mallar\u0131n arz\u0131, talebi ve fiyat\u0131 aras\u0131nda kendili\u011finden denge sa\u011flan\u0131r. Bu iddiadan yola \u00e7\u0131kan liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, piyasan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fine getirilecek herhangi bir k\u0131s\u0131tlamaya \u015fiddetle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar; \u00f6zellikle de devlet yerini bilmeli, yani piyasan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fine m\u00fcdahale etmemeli, bilakis kendini bu i\u015fleyi\u015fi korumakla s\u0131n\u0131rlamal\u0131d\u0131r, dediler.<\/p>\n Bunun \u00fczerinde biraz dural\u0131m. Liberal teorilerin temel \u00f6zelli\u011fi, devleti ve onun faaliyetlerini minimuma indirgemeleridir. Ancak liberalizmin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc savunucular\u0131 olan \u201cneoliberaller\u201d ne derse desin, bug\u00fcn \u00f6rne\u011fin ABD\u2019de devletin ekonomideki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya ekonomisinde uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n (IMF, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131, DT\u00d6, Avrupa Birli\u011fi) a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcthi\u015f artm\u0131\u015f durumda; devlet ve uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayal\u0131 sistemin idamesinde kilit bir rol oynuyor. Bu konuya ileride d\u00f6nece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n Klasik liberalleri haleflerinden ay\u0131ran ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6zellik bilimsel yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131d\u0131r. Onlar kapitalist sistemin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc bilimsel olarak kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar; tabii ki bunu kimi ger\u00e7ekleri, \u00f6rne\u011fin toplumun s\u0131n\u0131flara b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini gizlemek kayd\u0131yla yapt\u0131lar. Klasik liberaller, kapitalizmin dinami\u011fini ve \u00f6zellikle onun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcthi\u015f zenginli\u011fin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamaya \u00f6zel \u00f6nem atfetmi\u015ftir diyebiliriz. Onlara g\u00f6re bu zenginli\u011fin kayna\u011f\u0131 emek ve \u00f6zellikle de belirli bir i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc dahilinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan emektir. Zenginli\u011fin emek taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretildi\u011fini ke\u015ffettiler. Piyasaya, yani ticarete odaklan\u0131p de\u011fer yasas\u0131n\u0131 buldular. Bu yasaya g\u00f6re bir metan\u0131n de\u011feri, onun \u00fcretimi i\u00e7in gerekli olan emek miktar\u0131na e\u015fittir.<\/p>\n Marx Kapital<\/em>\u2019de bu tespitlerden yola \u00e7\u0131kar. Ama bunun \u00e7ok daha ilerisine gider. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc klasikler ticaretin temelini olu\u015fturan unsuru do\u011fru tespit ederler, ama kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imiyle gelen zenginle\u015fmenin ger\u00e7ek do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 gizlerler. Klasiklere g\u00f6re patronun k\u00e2r\u0131, emek kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 elde edilen bir gelir de\u011fildir (ki bu, her de\u011ferin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n emek oldu\u011fu fikriyle \u00e7eli\u015fir); ama yine de k\u00e2r, yat\u0131r\u0131lan sermaye kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda elde edilen hakl\u0131 bir getiridir. Oysa Marx de\u011fer yasas\u0131n\u0131 sonuna kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr ve k\u00e2r\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 eme\u011fin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesidir der.<\/p>\n Benzer \u015fekilde, klasikler i\u00e7in \u00fccret, i\u015f\u00e7i taraf\u0131ndan sarf edilen eme\u011fin fiyat\u0131d\u0131r (ki k\u00e2r\u0131n da sermayenin fiyat\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylerler); oysa Marx meta de\u011fi\u015fimine uygulanan yasay\u0131 meta-emek g\u00fcc\u00fcne uygular, yani eme\u011fin de\u011feri (ya da parasal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan \u00fccret), onun \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi i\u00e7in gerekli olan eme\u011fin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Marx, buradan, i\u015f\u00e7i taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen emekle i\u015f\u00e7inin elde etti\u011fi \u00fccret aras\u0131nda bir e\u015fitlik olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stererek art\u0131-de\u011fer kavram\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r; bu y\u00fczden de \u00fccret hi\u00e7bir zaman i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00fcretti\u011fi eme\u011fin tam kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olamaz.<\/p>\n Toplumun kar\u015f\u0131t sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flara b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi ilk liberallerin teorilerinde eksik de\u011fildi. Fakat, onlar i\u00e7in bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnme do\u011fal ve de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez bir d\u00fczendi. Marx bu konuda \u015f\u00f6yle der 3<\/a><\/sup>:<\/p>\n Di\u011fer bir ifadeyle, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi kendini siyasal d\u00fczlemde ifade edemedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, burjuva siyasal iktisad\u0131 kendini her t\u00fcrl\u00fc manevra i\u00e7in rahat bir ortamda bulacakt\u0131r; bilimsel bir y\u00f6ntemle kapitalist toplumu analiz etme imkan\u0131 elde edecek ve iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmesini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131racak ve onu sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131racakt\u0131r (\u2026) Sonu\u00e7ta Ricardo, bilin\u00e7li olarak, s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n, \u00fccret ve k\u00e2r\u0131n, k\u00e2r ve rant\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, saf\u00e7a, do\u011fan\u0131n toplumsal bir yasas\u0131 diye kabul ederek, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n hareket noktas\u0131 yapar. Ancak burada burjuva iktisat bilimi a\u015famayaca\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlara dayanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Birinci d\u00f6nem, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak keskinle\u015fmesiyle \u00e7abucak sona erdi. Marx bunu \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor: 5<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n 1830 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir kriz ba\u015f g\u00f6sterdi. Fransa ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019de burjuvazi siyasal g\u00fcc\u00fc eline ge\u00e7irdi. O andan itibaren, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, hem pratik hem de teorik anlamda, daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde dile gelmeye ve tehdit edici bi\u00e7imler almaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Burjuva ekonomisinin \u00f6l\u00fcm \u00e7an\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131yordu. O zamandan beri, bu teorinin do\u011fru olup olmamas\u0131 de\u011fil, fakat sermaye i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 m\u0131 zararl\u0131 m\u0131, gerekli mi gereksiz mi, siyasal bak\u0131mdan tehlikeli mi tehlikesiz mi oldu\u011fu s\u00f6z konusu olmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Tarafs\u0131z incelemelerin yerini \u00fccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar, ger\u00e7ek bilimsel ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n yerini mazur g\u00f6sterme e\u011filimleri alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Marx\u2019\u0131n bu s\u00f6zleri \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli: Her t\u00fcr burjuva teorisi, o zamandan beri, kapitalist sistemin bilimsel olmayan bir savunusundan ibarettir ve kapitalizmi betimlemenin \u00f6tesine gidemez. Bu teoriler, sistemin kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 gizlemeye y\u00f6nelik birer k\u0131l\u0131ft\u0131r, zaten varolan pratiklerin teorile\u015ftirilmesidir. Art\u0131k burjuva teorileri s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (onun do\u011fal bir d\u00fczen oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek dahi olsa) kabul etmez; aksine s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ve elbette s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 reddederler. Bu tam da Marx ve Engels\u2019in (bilimsel iktisad\u0131n aksine) \u201ckaba\u201d ya da \u201cv\u00fclger\u201d iktisat diye adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Marx ve Engels\u2019in bu yorumu Kapital<\/em>\u2019in (1867) bas\u0131lmas\u0131ndan birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra do\u011frulan\u0131r. Zaman\u0131n liberal teorileri, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201cneoliberallerin\u201d atalar\u0131 olan \u201cneoklasik\u201d okulun, yani Stanley Jevons, Carl Menger, Leon Walras, Vilfredo Pareto, Alfred Marshall ve Eugene B\u00f6hm-Bawerk\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleriyle birlikte \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fikliklere u\u011frad\u0131. Bu noktada tarihler olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli. Genellikle birbirine paralel olarak, hatta birbirinden bihaber \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bu teorisyenlerin ilk \u00fc\u00e7\u00fc, eserlerini 1871 ve 1873 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u00fcretti. O s\u0131ralar, tarihin ilk i\u015f\u00e7i h\u00fck\u00fcmeti olan Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019yle doruk noktas\u0131na varan, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f hareketleri ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. \u0130lk iki Enternasyonal\u2019in de etkisiyle, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini, siyasal parti ve sendikalar\u0131n\u0131 kurmaktayd\u0131. \u00dcstelik, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son k\u0131sm\u0131nda, kapitalizmin emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zellikleri kendini g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu genel durum \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, neoklasikler do\u011frudan kapitalizm savunucusu kesildi; Marksizm\u2019e z\u0131mnen hatta alenen kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. \u00d6rne\u011fin B\u00f6hm-Bawerk 1896\u2019da Karl Marx ve Sisteminin De\u011ferlendirmesi<\/em> isimli bir kitap yay\u0131mlad\u0131. 6<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Neoklasikler, piyasada arz ve talep dengesiyle fiyatlar, faiz oranlar\u0131 ve \u00fccretler aras\u0131nda kendili\u011finden olu\u015ftu\u011fu farz edilen dengeye merkezi bir \u00f6nem atfederken, klasiklerden iki noktada ayr\u0131l\u0131yordu: Birincisi, bir mal\u0131n de\u011feri, art\u0131k o mal\u0131n i\u00e7indeki eme\u011fe de\u011fil, mal\u0131n nadirli\u011fine ve kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131; ikincisi, (klasik teoride tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar\u0131yla) s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yerini, kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 iyi bilen ak\u0131lc\u0131 bireyler alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. B\u00f6ylelikle tamamen davran\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ve \u00f6znel temelli ekonomik teorilerin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu. Klasiklerin ve elbette Marksistlerin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6ntemlerin aksine, neoklasikler toplumun genel i\u015fleyi\u015fini idare eden (ve makroiktisat diye de tabir edilen) temel yasalarla pek ilgilenmiyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n Toplumun t\u00fcm i\u015fleyi\u015fini tek tek bireylerin e\u011filimlerinin toplam\u0131na indirgeyen neoklasikler, bireyin, mevcut imkanlar\u0131ndan hareketle en b\u00fcy\u00fck fayday\u0131 yakalayabilece\u011fi davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ve karar stratejilerini nas\u0131l se\u00e7ti\u011fine odakland\u0131lar. T\u00fcm bunlar bir tak\u0131m form\u00fcllerle ve matematiksel modellerle bezendi; bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, teorinin bilimsel yan\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7abalad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde, bir \u00e7e\u015fit, tarihi reddetme ve bu sayede tarihin dinamik s\u00fcrecini reddetme yoluydu. 7<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Piyasan\u0131n ekonomiyi do\u011fal olarak d\u00fczenleyece\u011fi ve devlet ve sendikalardan gelecek her t\u00fcrl\u00fc m\u00fcdahalenin yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu \u015feklindeki bu teoriyle, neoklasikler, \u00f6zellikle ekonomik krizlerle ilgili bir dizi arg\u00fcman \u00fcretti. En k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc de, krizlerin, hi\u00e7bir d\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6r taraf\u0131ndan engellenmeyecek bir serbest rekabet taraf\u0131ndan so\u011furulduklar\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e, yaln\u0131zca d\u00f6nemsel olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylediler.<\/p>\n Bir noktaya kadar, bu analiz kapitalizmin belirli bir d\u00f6neminin ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini anlat\u0131r; yani kapitalizmin y\u00fckseli\u015f d\u00f6neminin. Kapitalist sistemin krizi, Marx\u2019a g\u00f6re her \u015feyden \u00f6nce sermayenin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim kriziydi; kapitalizm kendine pazar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde s\u00fcrekli olarak geni\u015fleterek bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f buldu. Ancak zamanla, bu \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu da darald\u0131, yeni y\u00fczy\u0131lla tamamen kaybolmaya ba\u015flad\u0131, sonu\u00e7ta d\u00f6nemsel krizlerin kal\u0131c\u0131 hale geldi\u011fi, iktisadi ve siyasal bunal\u0131mlar\u0131n sistemi sarsmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve tek \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin kitlesel imhas\u0131 ve suni aktarma kay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 olan bir d\u00f6nemin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu.<\/p>\n Son kertede \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayal\u0131 bir sistemin ger\u00e7ek do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 ve i\u015fleyi\u015fini maskelemek \u00fczerine tasarlanm\u0131\u015f t\u00fcm bu \u201cteoriler\u201d, kapitalist \u00fcretim modelinin hareket ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin sonucu olan emperyalizm a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ilmesiyle birlikte \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc.<\/p>\n Lenin Emperyalizm: Kapitalizmin En Y\u00fcksek A\u015famas\u0131<\/em>\u2019nda bu d\u00f6nemi \u015f\u00f6yle tan\u0131ml\u0131yor: \u201cEmperyalizm, kapitalizmin tekellerin ve finans-kapitalin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yerle\u015fti\u011fi a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r; sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r; d\u00fcnyan\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 tr\u00f6stler aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r; d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her b\u00f6lgesinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerce b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d <\/em>Bu d\u00f6nemi Lenin \u00e7ok daha basit bir \u015fekilde \u201ckapitalizmin tekelci a\u015famas\u0131\u201d olarak da tan\u0131mlar. Tekeller, krizleri dindirmek bir yana, yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 e\u015fitsizlerle (yeni yo\u011funla\u015fmalara yol a\u00e7an yeni krizlerle) krizlerin derinle\u015fmesine sebep olur. Bu d\u00f6nemde, tekeller belirleyici rol oynar. \u201cTekel tam anlam\u0131yla serbest rekabetin aksidir (…) Serbest rekabetten do\u011fan tekeller, serbest rekabeti ortadan kald\u0131rmazlar, zira onun \u00fcst\u00fcnde ve onunla birlikte var olurlar ve bu sayede son derece kal\u0131c\u0131, yo\u011fun kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131n ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7arlar.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n Sermayenin s\u00fcrekli g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc tekeller elinde toplanmas\u0131 kadar liberal teorilerle \u00e7eli\u015fkili bir durum olabilir mi? Serbest ticaretin kurallar\u0131na g\u00f6re i\u015fleyen, k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir piyasan\u0131n fersah fersah uza\u011f\u0131nday\u0131z art\u0131k. \u00dcstelik, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131, devletin kendi i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden giderek zay\u0131flayan ekonomik d\u00fczene m\u00fcdahalesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, emsalsiz s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 yaratt\u0131, 1929\u2019daki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fte ve 1930\u2019lar\u0131n derin krizinde patlama noktas\u0131na gelerek, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019na neden oldu. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin de ortaya koydu\u011fu gibi, \u201cToplumsal krizin derinli\u011fi \u015furadan geliyor: \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n belli ellerde yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131ndan, yani tr\u00f6stlerin kurdu\u011fu tekellerden dolay\u0131, de\u011fer yasas\u0131 ya da piyasa, iktisadi ili\u015fkileri idare edemez hale geldi. Devlet m\u00fcdahalesi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir gereklilik durumunu ald\u0131.<\/em>\u201d 8<\/a><\/sup> Devlet, t\u00fcm sistemin korunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in temel bir ara\u00e7 haline geldi; yaln\u0131z sistemin i\u015fleyi\u015fini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n zapt edilmesi i\u00e7in de.<\/p>\n Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, liberal teorilerin yeni duruma adapte olmakta aciz kald\u0131klar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. A\u015famal\u0131 olarak bunlar\u0131n yerini, 1936 y\u0131l\u0131nda Genel \u0130stihdam, Para ve Faiz Teorisi <\/em>ismiyle yay\u0131nlanan Keynes\u2019in teorileri ald\u0131. Keynes\u2019in teorileri de asl\u0131nda kapitalizmi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu ve kapitalizmi betimlemekle yetiniyordu. Keynes\u2019in \u00e7abas\u0131, asl\u0131nda, zaten var olan pratikleri sonradan teorile\u015ftirmekten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi; bu teoriler \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda iyice yayg\u0131n hale geldi.<\/p>\n Michel Beaud\u2019nun Kapitalizmin Tarihi<\/em> kitab\u0131nda belirtti\u011fi gibi: \u201cT\u00fcm fedakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u00fckleyerek \u015fiddetli s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara yol a\u00e7abilecek bir kapitalist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn yerine, Keynes ba\u015fka bir kapitalist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6nerdi: Yeni bir plan arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin al\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmeksizin i\u015fsizli\u011fin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131. Bu sayede, Keynes, emek d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist topluma entegre edilmesini hedefleyecek ve hatta bunu k\u0131smen ba\u015faracak yeni politikalar\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran bir ekonomik teori sundu.<\/em>\u201d 9<\/a><\/sup> B\u00f6yle bir entegrasyon, ayn\u0131 zamanda Keynes\u00e7ili\u011fin bir\u00e7ok sosyal demokrat parti taraf\u0131ndan da kabul edilmesini de getiriyordu.<\/p>\n G\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, kavramsal d\u00fczeyde Keynes\u00e7ilik liberal teorilerde bir k\u0131r\u0131lmay\u0131 temsil etmiyor: Piyasa ve onun serbest i\u015fleyi\u015fi halen \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli. Ancak piyasan\u0131n yeniden kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in, Keynes devletten ve onun ekonomiye m\u00fcdahale kapasitesinden ba\u015fka \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yol g\u00f6remiyordu. Fakat devletin etkinli\u011fini \u201cicat eden\u201d Keynes de\u011fildi. O yaln\u0131zca zaten o zamanlar ABD\u2019de Yeni Anla\u015fma (New Deal<\/em>) \u201cdeneyiyle\u201d b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir e\u011filimin savunusunu kaleme ald\u0131.<\/p>\n Bu e\u011filim, as\u0131l \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra h\u00e2kim hale geldi. \u0130ktisadi \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ve bir\u00e7ok Avrupa \u00fclkesinde kitlelerin devrimci kalk\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ve burjuvazinin bu devrimci hareketi engellemede \u00e7aresiz kalmas\u0131 sonucu, ABD emperyalizmi, Avrupa burjuvazileri ve b\u00fcrokratik ayg\u0131tlar (\u00f6zellikle de Kremlin b\u00fcrokrasisine tabi olanlar) kapitalist ekonomileri yeniden kalk\u0131nd\u0131rmak i\u00e7in ittifak yapt\u0131. B\u00f6ylece devlet kolluk ve askeri g\u00fc\u00e7lerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, piyasan\u0131n ve t\u00fcm sistemin de d\u00fczenlenmesi i\u015fini \u00fcstlendi.<\/p>\n Ayn\u0131 zamanda, \u00f6zellikle Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ertesinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadeleler sonunda elde etti\u011fi kazan\u0131mlar, devletin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline geldi ve devletin eylem alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletti. Devlet hem ekonominin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131n hem de s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin has\u0131r alt\u0131 edilmesinin temel bir arac\u0131 haline geldi. Lenin\u2019in \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmledi\u011fi gibi, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti ve ulus devletlerin dar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde bo\u011fuldu\u011fu bu ba\u011flamda, devlet, serbest rekabetin ba\u015faramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir g\u00f6revi \u00fcstlenir, yani \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayal\u0131 sistemin koruyucusu haline gelir.<\/p>\n Serbest rekabet tekelleri yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; rekabetin yerini giderek, ulusal b\u00fct\u00e7e ve kamu borcu gibi ekonomiyi canland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 suni m\u00fcdahaleler al\u0131r. ABD, sava\u015ftan etkilenmemi\u015f bir \u00fclke olarak, artan askeri harcamalarla \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu bulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakla beraber, \u00f6nemli bir a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim krizine de girmi\u015ftir ve bu sayede di\u011fer emperyalist ekonomilerin lokomotifi rol\u00fcne soyunmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Ancak bu politika giderek daha az ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme, yani k\u00e2ra d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme olana\u011f\u0131 bulan devasa bir sermaye b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi yarat\u0131r. Di\u011fer bir ifadeyle, \u00fcretimde yeterli art\u0131 de\u011ferin yarat\u0131lamamas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda, daha da \u00f6nemlisi, sermaye mevcut piyasalar\u0131n k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 karakterinden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc kendini k\u00e2ra d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcremedi\u011fi bir pozisyonda bulur. 1970\u2019lerden ba\u015flayarak, bu kriz ortam\u0131, finans kapitali ve onun kuklas\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri, t\u00fcm sanayi sekt\u00f6rlerini k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeyde k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir \u015fekilde yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rmaya ve emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferini bast\u0131rmaya itti. Emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferinin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 yaln\u0131z g\u00f6reli anlamda de\u011fil (\u00fcretilen toplam de\u011ferdeki pay), mutlak anlamda da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti: Bunun yolu, t\u00fcm i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n (emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferinin \u201ctarihsel\u201d bile\u015feni) geriletilmesi ve yok edilmesinden ge\u00e7iyordu<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, hakim emperyalist g\u00fcc\u00fcn, yani ABD emperyalizminin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, 1971 y\u0131l\u0131nda Nixon\u2019\u0131n dolar-alt\u0131n paritesini iptal etmesiyle birlikte, ad\u0131m ad\u0131m hayata ge\u00e7irildi. Bu durum, yeniden neoklasik teorilerin (ve say\u0131s\u0131z kolunun) \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fa ge\u00e7mesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Mant\u0131kl\u0131 olduklar\u0131ndan de\u011fil de, 1971\u2019deki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn ertesinde ve Keynes\u00e7i politikalar sonras\u0131 izlenen ekonomik politikalar\u0131 savunma ve me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan daha elveri\u015fli olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, tekrar moda oldular ve y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe sokuldular. \u00d6zellikle de, emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferinin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, onun ulus devlet \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde elde etti\u011fi tarihsel kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n geriletilmesini g\u00fcndeme getiriyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n Devlet m\u00fcdahalesinin sald\u0131r\u0131ya u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131ca alanlar kamu hizmetleri, paras\u0131z sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim, kurall\u0131 istihdam (\u00f6zellikle i\u015f kanunlar\u0131) gibi kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra temel amac\u0131 piyasan\u0131n d\u00fczenli i\u015flemesini garantiye almakla s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f bir devlet modeline ket vuran s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleriyle kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haklard\u0131. Ancak bu, devletin rol\u00fcn\u00fcn bitti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyordu. \u00d6yle ki, ABD\u2019de, kat\u0131 \u201cneoliberal\u201d Reagan y\u00f6netiminde bile, devletin e\u015fi benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir rol \u00fcstlendi\u011fine tan\u0131k oluruz. Kamu borcu b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda finans piyasalar\u0131n\u0131 beslemek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131ld\u0131. Askeri harcamalar her zaman oldu\u011fu gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011fa sahip oldu. Dahas\u0131, devlet \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketlerin kendilerini toparlayabilmeleri i\u00e7in, g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifelerini y\u00fckseltmekten ka\u00e7\u0131nmad\u0131. Ayn\u0131 zamanda, ABD emperyalizmi, gerek direk olarak, gerekse de uluslararas\u0131 finans kurumlar\u0131 (D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131, IMF, DT\u00d6) arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, di\u011fer emperyalist devletlerden daha fazla piyasa esnekli\u011fi, daha az d\u0131\u015f kontrol talep etmek suretiyle, bug\u00fcn uluslar\u0131n yok olu\u015funu do\u011furan, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sald\u0131r\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131.<\/p>\n Otuz y\u0131ld\u0131r emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferine kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131, Hayek ve Friedman\u2019dan \u00f6nce de var olan neoliberal teoriler de\u011fildir. Bu teoriler sadece sald\u0131r\u0131ya bir ideolojik k\u0131l\u0131f sundu. Bu politikalar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayanan sistemin ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya\u015famsal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerde ve bunun insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fte aranmal\u0131. Burada alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek gerek ki, \u201cliberal\u201d, \u201cneoliberal\u201d, \u201cliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d laflar\u0131ndan ba\u015fka laf etmeyenlerin bir tek ortak noktas\u0131 var: Hi\u00e7bir zaman sistemin \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131yorlar ve emperyalist d\u00f6neminde bulunan kapitalizmin t\u00fcm temel e\u011filimlerini, sadece hatal\u0131 ve kusurlu \u201cteorik modellerin\u201d sonucuymu\u015f gibi g\u00f6stererek maskelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Onlara sorarsan\u0131z bu nesnel bir tutum. Bu arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli ve\u00e7helerini g\u00f6rmek i\u00e7in, aralar\u0131nda baz\u0131 Pablocular\u0131n da bulundu\u011fu \u201calternatif k\u00fcreselle\u015fmecilerin\u201d yay\u0131nlar\u0131na bakaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n Marksistler i\u00e7in, fikirler (iktisadi ve siyasal fikirler de dahil) tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin kayna\u011f\u0131 de\u011fildir, aksine insan gruplar\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 maddi sorunlar\u0131n yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak Marksistler i\u00e7in bu, fikirlerin tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde rol oynamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. Fikirlerin, bir insan grubunu homojenle\u015ftirmede, s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fcn fark\u0131na varmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamada \u00f6nemli bir ara\u00e7 olabildi\u011fi defalarca g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Fikirler bilin\u00e7siz bi\u00e7imde ilerleyen kimi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 da sa\u011flar. Ancak bu, maddi s\u00fcrecin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r, fikirler o ana dek bilin\u00e7siz olarak ilerleyen bir s\u00fcrecin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f olur.<\/p>\n Bu materyalist anlay\u0131\u015f, bize t\u00fcm hastal\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cneoliberal politikalar\u201d oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyenlerin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine tamamen kar\u015f\u0131t. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Frans\u0131z dergisi Mani\u00e8re de Voir<\/em>\u2019\u0131n 72. say\u0131s\u0131 tamamen \u201cyeni kapitalizm\u201d \u00fczerine. Giri\u015f yaz\u0131s\u0131nda, derginin yaz\u0131 i\u015fleri m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc Ignacio Ramonet konuyu s\u0131\u011f bir \u015fekilde ele al\u0131yor: 10<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Her \u015fey 15 A\u011fustos 1971\u2019de ba\u015flad\u0131. O g\u00fcn, Amerikan Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Richard Nixon, dolar\u0131n alt\u0131na konvertibilitesinin ask\u0131ya al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 duyurdu. 1944\u2019te Bretton Woods\u2019da y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe konmu\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn sistem \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcyordu. 11<\/a><\/sup> O g\u00fcn \u201cyeni kapitalizm\u201d diye tabir etmemiz gereken bir d\u00f6nem ba\u015flad\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu Washington\u2019a parasal manevra \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc getirdi, finansal kurals\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rmada daha radikal uygulamalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131, ve liberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin h\u0131zla yay\u0131lmas\u0131na olanak sa\u011flad\u0131.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Yani buna g\u00f6re her \u015fey, Nixon\u2019\u0131n 15 A\u011fustos 1971\u2019de verdi\u011fi kararla oldu. Olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nem atfedilen bu karar\u0131 az\u0131msamak istedi\u011fimiz d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmemeli. Konuyla ilgili olarak, IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Fransa seksiyonunun \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc olan OCI\u2019nin (Enternasyonalist Kom\u00fcnist \u00d6rg\u00fct) Politik B\u00fcro\u2019sunun 20 A\u011fustos 1971\u2019de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klaman\u0131n okunmas\u0131 gerek. 12<\/a><\/sup> Ignacio Ramonet\u2019nin s\u00f6ylemedi\u011fi ve OCI a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fey, konunun en \u00f6nemli k\u0131sm\u0131d\u0131r: Karar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klarken asl\u0131nda ba\u015fkan Nixon, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayanan bu sistemin tamamen iflas etti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu. Ramonet\u2019nin s\u00f6ylemeyip de OCI a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6yledi\u011fi, Nixon\u2019\u0131n 1971 kararlar\u0131n\u0131n, emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda kapitalizmin do\u011fas\u0131na, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayanan sistemin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fuydu.<\/p>\n Dergideki izleyen makaleler de ayn\u0131 hatalar\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor. \u00d6rne\u011fin Modelin Kulu\u00e7ka D\u00f6nemi <\/em>ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcm \u015f\u00f6yle ba\u015fl\u0131yor: \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme yaln\u0131zca yeni tekniklerin ve yeni piyasalar\u0131n zaman i\u00e7inde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. O, Margaret Thatcher ve Ronald Reagan g\u00f6reve gelmeden uzun zaman \u00f6nce, baz\u0131 etkilerine 1970\u2019lerde tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz uzun ve sab\u0131rl\u0131 bir entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7aban\u0131n sonucudur.\u201d <\/em>Daha sonra makale bu s\u00f6zlerle devam ediyor: \u201c1973\u2019ten bug\u00fcne, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc halk hareketlerinden dolay\u0131 kendilerini tehlikede hisseden sanayicilerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131, adeta gayriresmi bir direktif taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n Arg\u00fcman\u0131n bu y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn belirli bir i\u015flevi var: E\u011fer neoliberalizm, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinden kopuk, haince bir politikaysa, sadece neoliberalizmle m\u00fccadele etmek ve onu ba\u015fka bir politikayla de\u011fi\u015ftirmek yeterlidir. Bu, sistemi de\u011fi\u015ftirmeden de yap\u0131labilir. Ayr\u0131ca ATTAC\u2019\u0131n 2002 y\u0131l\u0131nda IMF ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 Ne Yapaca\u011f\u0131z?<\/em> bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcne de bir g\u00f6z atal\u0131m. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, arka kapaktaki yaz\u0131da bile kendini belli ediyor:<\/p>\n Liberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme g\u00f6kten zembille inmedi. Yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcm y\u0131k\u0131mlar, siyasal kararlar\u0131n birer sonucu (…) \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda kurulan Bretton Woods sisteminin temel ama\u00e7lar\u0131ndan sapan IMF ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 gibi uluslararas\u0131 finans kurumlar\u0131, \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131 Evrensel S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019nin insanl\u0131\u011fa tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 iktisadi, sosyal, ekolojik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklara sayg\u0131 duymak zorundad\u0131r.<\/strong> ATTAC\u2019\u0131n \u00f6nerilerinin amac\u0131 bunu sa\u011flamakt\u0131r.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Yani k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ve onun getirdi\u011fi y\u0131k\u0131mlar, \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeye y\u00fcz tutmu\u015f, emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131ndaki kapitalist sistemin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin sonucu de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca y\u00f6netimleri \u201cyoldan sapm\u0131\u015f\u201d uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n ay\u0131planas\u0131 politikalar\u0131n\u0131n sonucu ve bu kurumlar tekrar daha uygun politikalarla yoluna koyulmal\u0131. Sanki bu me\u015fhur kurumlar ayn\u0131 kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcm kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 finans kapitalin politikalar\u0131n\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irmek ad\u0131na kurulmad\u0131! Sanki ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz yirmi y\u0131lda, Avrupa\u2019da, finans kapitalin hizmetindeki Avrupa Birli\u011fi ve Avrupa Merkez Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, Avrupa Komisyonu\u2019nun \u201csosyalist\u201d ve \u201cliberal\u201d \u00fcyeleri elinden \u00e7\u0131kan y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131yla y\u00fczle\u015fmekten hi\u00e7 ders almad\u0131k!<\/p>\n Bro\u015f\u00fcr \u015fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc belirtiyor: \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin kendisinin ele\u015ftirilmesi gerekmedi\u011fi konusunda hemfikiriz (…). Kabul edilemez olan, ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz on y\u0131llar boyunca k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapan neoliberal ideolojinin, piyasalara ve k\u00e2r mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na <\/em>a\u015f\u0131r\u0131, gere\u011finden fazla \u00f6nem<\/em><\/strong> verilmesine yol a\u00e7mas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d 13<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n \u015eimdi ATTAC\u2019a d\u00f6n\u00fcp de Lenin\u2019e g\u00f6z atmas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131, gere\u011finden fazla\u201d m\u0131 olur acaba? Lenin, ger\u00e7ekten de uzun y\u0131llar \u00f6nce finans\u0131n hakim rol\u00fcn\u00fcn alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmi\u015fti:<\/p>\n kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesi \u00f6yle bir boyuta ula\u015ft\u0131 ki, meta \u00fcretimi halen h\u00fckmetse de ve halen iktisadi aktivitenin temeli gibi g\u00f6r\u00fclse de, ger\u00e7ekte finansal manip\u00fclasyon \u201cdahileri\u201d taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretim sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn alt\u0131 oyuluyor ve k\u00e2r\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 bu kesime aktar\u0131l\u0131yor. Geli\u015fmesine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck tefeci sermayeyle ba\u015flayan kapitalizm, yoluna dev tefeci sermayeyle devam etmekte (…) \u0130ktisadi hayat\u0131n t\u00fcm ko\u015fullar\u0131 kapitalizmin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcyle k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fikliklere u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. N\u00fcfus dura\u011fanken ve hatta sanayi, ticaret ve nakliye yerinde sayarken bile, \u201c\u00fclke\u201d tefecilikle zengin olabiliyor.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n ATTAC bunlar\u0131n hepsini g\u00f6rmezden gelmek istiyor, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ona kal\u0131rsa \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayal\u0131 sistem yerinde kalmal\u0131. ATTAC\u2019a g\u00f6re, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ele\u015ftirilmesi gereken \u201cneoliberal\u201d politikalar\u0131n bir sonucu. Nas\u0131l? Birincisi, \u201cba\u015fka bir politika\u201d yolunda uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczenleme getirecek bir yap\u0131 aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olmalar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Bu yap\u0131 herhalde Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler olacakt\u0131r; \u201creforme\u201d edildikten sonra. Art\u0131k \u201cme\u015fruiyeti\u201d olmayan IMF g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulunduruldu\u011funda BM, \u201cme\u015fru bir evrensel kurum olarak di\u011fer uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131 gereken bir kurum olacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d Bu me\u015fruiyet de bu kurumun demokratikle\u015ftirilmesiyle sa\u011flanacak, yani \u201cilgili toplumsal kesimlerin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla<\/em>\u201d ve \u201conlar\u0131n sa\u011flayaca\u011f\u0131 sistematik bilgi ve \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyle<\/em>\u201d ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek bir demokratikle\u015fme. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu g\u00fczel resim, \u00f6rne\u011fin \u201cbor\u00e7lular\u0131n ve bor\u00e7 verenlerin bor\u00e7 d\u00fczenlemesinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 sorumlulu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d sayesinde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r. Anla\u015f\u0131lan ATTAC ezilen \u00fclkelerin halklar\u0131yla, emperyalizmin emellerine kendini adam\u0131\u015f h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri aras\u0131nda bir fark g\u00f6zetmiyor; b\u00f6ylece ezilen \u00fclkeler ve halklar\u0131n, \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 sorumluluk\u201d \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, ATTAC\u2019\u0131n reforme edilmesini istedi\u011fi kurumlar\u0131n dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bor\u00e7lar\u0131n y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstelenece\u011fi bir durum ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor! T\u00fcm bunlar \u015fu demek oluyor: Emperyalizm ve piyasa a\u015f\u0131lamaz ger\u00e7ekliklerdir; bunlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, do\u011frudan veya dolayl\u0131 olarak kapitalist \u00fcretimin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ya da onun koku\u015fmu\u015f haliyle bir alakas\u0131 yoktur; ve, k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 lanetlenecekse, bunun sorumlusu kapitalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcme de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca, k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye daha \u201cinsanc\u0131l\u201d bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc verilmesi i\u00e7in biraz de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi gereken neoliberal politikalard\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu konuyla ilgili, Birle\u015fik Sekreterya ve onun \u00f6rg\u00fctleri de bo\u015f durmuyor. Ge\u00e7en sene mart ay\u0131nda ATTAC\u2019\u0131n haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Wolfowitz\u2019in D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 (DB) ba\u015fkan adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan imza metnini da\u011f\u0131tma karar\u0131 alan Fransa\u2019daki LCR\u2019yi (Devrimci Kom\u00fcnist Birlik) hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m. \u0130mza metni, se\u00e7ilen yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tamamen aktar\u0131lmay\u0131 hak eden k\u0131sa bir giri\u015f paragraf\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131yor:<\/p>\n \u015e\u00fcphesiz sizler de, Pentagon\u2019un iki numaral\u0131 adam\u0131, Irak i\u015fgalinin savunucusu Paul Wolfowitz\u2019in D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Beyaz Saray\u2019\u0131n aday g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ki\u015fi oldu\u011funu biliyorsunuz. Avrupal\u0131lar\u0131n, g\u00f6zlerimizin \u00f6n\u00fcnde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bu provokasyona kar\u015f\u0131 gelme \u015fans\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 var asl\u0131nda; Bush \u015fahsen bir\u00e7ok ba\u015fkentle g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor, fakat g\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki Avrupa \u00fclkeleri siyasal sermayelerini bu konuda harcamayacak. Bu y\u00fczden, Fransa\u2019n\u0131n Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin bu konuda b\u00fct\u00fcnsel hareket etmesini sa\u011flamas\u0131 i\u00e7in t\u00fcm olanaklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kullanmam\u0131z gerekiyor. Etkimiz olabilmesi i\u00e7in acele etmemiz laz\u0131m. Bunun bir yolu da a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki metni imzalamak.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Bu imza metninin resmi amac\u0131 (LCR\u2019nin de savundu\u011fu gibi) bu suretle \u201cFransa\u2019n\u0131n Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin bu konuda b\u00fct\u00fcnsel hareket etmesini sa\u011flamas\u0131.<\/em>\u201d Metin devam ediyor: \u201cWolfowitz\u2019in se\u00e7ilmesiyle birlikte, DB yard\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n Amerikan y\u00f6netiminin tasarruflar\u0131na g\u00f6re ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz ve bu y\u00fczden de D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nin tehlikeli d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclece\u011finden korkuyoruz.<\/em>\u201d Sanki D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131, kuruldu\u011fu Bretton Woods anla\u015fmas\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne her bir olayda, her durumda, emperyalizmin uluslararas\u0131 bir kurumu, halklar\u0131 yap\u0131sal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm programlar\u0131 ve bor\u00e7larla ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lan k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin bir arac\u0131 olmam\u0131\u015f gibi. D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n her zaman \u00f6ncelikle Amerika\u2019da ve k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeyde hakim kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hizmetinde oldu\u011funu belirtmemek k\u00fcstahl\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Devam edelim: \u201cBir h\u00fck\u00fcmetin D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na tek bir ismi aday g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi, a\u00e7\u0131k ve demokratik olmayan bir adayl\u0131k s\u00fcrecini reddediyoruz.<\/em>\u201d Burada \u201calternatif k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcne geliyoruz: K\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye insani bir \u015fekil verilmeli, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme daha kabul edilebilir k\u0131l\u0131nmal\u0131, ona daha \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k\u201d ve \u201cdemokratik\u201d bir i\u015fleyi\u015f kazand\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131. Sanki D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 ve Uluslararas\u0131 Para Fonu\u2019nun (IMF) b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn gerici do\u011falar\u0131, daha iyi i\u015flediklerinde \u201ckabul edilebilir\u201d hale gelecek. Yapt\u0131klar\u0131 \u015fey s\u0131n\u0131f hareketini ve onun ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini, \u201ck\u00fcresel y\u00f6neti\u015fim\u201d \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde suland\u0131rmak.<\/p>\n LCR\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 imza metni \u015f\u00f6yle bitiyor: \u201cD\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 idaresinin se\u00e7imi, yoksullu\u011fu ortadan kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in gelecekte yap\u0131lacak giri\u015fimler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hayati \u00f6nemde bir meseledir.<\/em>\u201d LCR\u2019nin bizden imzalamam\u0131z\u0131 istedi\u011fi \u015feyi tartmam\u0131z laz\u0131m. LCR, \u201ciyi insanlar\u201d taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen bir D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u201cyoksullu\u011fu ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131<\/em>\u201d becerebilece\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u201c\u0130nsani bir k\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131ndan sonra, yeni sloganlar\u0131 \u201c\u0130nsani bir D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131!<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n LCR \u00fcyesi Michel Husson, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn ba\u015fl\u0131ca iktisat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda LCR\u2019nin iktisadi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar y\u00fcr\u00fcten grubunun da ba\u015f\u0131. Frans\u0131z dergisi Politis<\/em>\u2019te yay\u0131mlanan \u201cKrizle y\u00fczle\u015fmek<\/em>\u201d isimli makalesinde Husson, bize \u201calternatif Avrupa stratejisinin<\/em>\u201d n\u00fcvelerini aktar\u0131yor: 14<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n Avronun idaresinin bir di\u011fer yolu da i\u00e7 pazar\u0131 yeniden kurmak ve Avrupa Birli\u011fi d\u00fczeyinde uyumu sa\u011flamakt\u0131r (…). Burada kritik nokta e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc yeniden in\u015fay\u0131 ve sosyal uyumu sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in Avrupa b\u00fct\u00e7esini art\u0131rmakt\u0131r. Avro i\u00e7in ise, \u00f6ncelikle Avro B\u00f6lgesi \u00fclkeleri ve Birlik \u00fcyesi olmayan 13 \u00fclkenin para birimleri aras\u0131nda, g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilebilir sabit bir kur belirlenmesini ve dolar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kur politikas\u0131yla ortak para birimi olu\u015fturulmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak Avrupa para sistemi acilen kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n \u201cBa\u015fka bir avro m\u00fcmk\u00fcn\u201d, sonunda gelinen yer bu! Bir \u00e7e\u015fit \u201calternatif avro!\u201d Avro, Maastricht S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019nden, uyum kriterlerinden, \u0130stikrar Pakt\u0131\u2019ndan ayr\u0131 ele al\u0131nabilir mi? Elbette hay\u0131r, ancak Husson \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayanan sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcnsel sorumlulu\u011funu \u00f6rtmek amac\u0131yla b\u00f6yle s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cneoliberal\u201d politikalara, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini ger\u00e7ek amac\u0131ndan sapt\u0131rmak i\u00e7in daha \u201cinsanc\u0131l\u201d, daha \u201cdayan\u0131\u015fmac\u0131\u201d ba\u015fka bir politikayla kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.<\/p>\n Critique Communiste<\/em> (Kom\u00fcnist Ele\u015ftiri) dergisi kendini \u201cLCR\u2019nin teorik dergisi<\/em>\u201d olarak takdim ediyor. 175. say\u0131s\u0131nda (Bahar 2005), \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn \u201cd\u00fcnya ba\u015ftan sona de\u011fi\u015fmeli<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 manifestonun tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 birka\u00e7 makaleye rastl\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme, emperyalist liberalizm, kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesinde yeni bir a\u015famad\u0131r. <\/em><\/strong>T\u00fcm gezegeni ele ge\u00e7irip, var olan t\u00fcm \u00e7eli\u015fkileri derinle\u015ftirmektedir.<\/em>\u201dG\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor ki, kapitalizmin yepyeni bir a\u015famas\u0131nday\u0131z. Lenin yan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131, de\u011fil mi? Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 da hatal\u0131 demek ki… Makale s\u00fcr\u00fcyor: \u201cMarx\u2019\u0131n yaz\u0131lar\u0131 bu \u00e7eli\u015fkileri g\u00f6steren e\u015fsiz betimlemeler arz eder. Lenin\u2019inkiler de \u00f6yle. <\/em>Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm analizi, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn kapitalist ili\u015fkilerini a\u00e7\u0131klayamaz, <\/em><\/strong>ancak sermaye birikimi mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 te\u015fkil eder. (…) <\/em>B\u00fct\u00fcn bu sosyal ve siyasal evrimlerin son tahlilde dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel, k\u00fcresel bazda giderek artan maddi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir de\u011fi\u015fimi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan teknolojik ilerlemedir. Bu ilerleme kendini, daha \u00f6nce hi\u00e7 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmi\u015f\u201d bir s\u0131n\u0131f olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ilerleyi\u015finde g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/em><\/strong>\u201d <\/em>Yani, Lenin\u2019in analizi kapitalist \u00fcretim d\u00fczeninin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ger\u00e7eklerini bar\u0131nd\u0131rm\u0131yor mu?<\/p>\n LCR\u2019nin bunu yazmaya hakk\u0131 var, ancak bunu kan\u0131tlamak zorunda. Hele hele de, emperyalizmin k\u00fclliyen gerici karakteri, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri s\u00fcrekli olarak yok etme e\u011filimi, Irak\u2019tan tutun Lousiana\u2019ya, Afrika\u2019dan Asya\u2019ya, yap\u0131sal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm programlar\u0131ndan Avrupa Birli\u011fi direktiflerine kadar her alanda kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015fken.<\/p>\n Bize teknolojik ilerlemenin, art\u0131k \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmi\u015f\u201d bir s\u0131n\u0131f olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ilerlemesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar. Nerede bu ilerleme? Kitlesel i\u015fsizlik, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin vas\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n yok edilmesi, esnek \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, etnik ve di\u011fer sava\u015flar, \u00fccretlerin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, a\u00e7l\u0131k, bilimsel ara\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 ama\u00e7lar i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmas\u0131. Bunlar m\u0131 ilerleme? D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in bayra\u011f\u0131na sar\u0131n\u0131p da k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye \u201cinsani bir \u00e7ehre\u201d vermek isteyen BirSek bu ger\u00e7eklerden hi\u00e7 konu\u015fmuyor.<\/p>\n \u201cLiberalizm\u201d veya \u201cliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d, hatta \u201cliberal emperyalizm\u201d gibi laflar\u0131n sistemli olarak \u201c\u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti sistemi\u201d ya da \u201c\u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ndaki kapitalizm\u201d gibi Marksist terimlerin yerine ikame edilmesi, art\u0131k D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in program\u0131n\u0131 temel alarak analiz edilecek bir d\u00f6nemde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6stermeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yor. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, art\u0131k \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetini kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lacak bir proleter devriminin de zaman\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7ti\u011fini ima ediyorlar.<\/p>\n Son tahlilde, yaln\u0131zca ve yaln\u0131zca \u201cliberal kapitalizm\u201dden, felaket getiren \u201cneoliberal politikalar\u0131n\u201d hayata ge\u00e7irilmesinden bahsetmek, tek bir \u015feye hizmet ediyor: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 kendi m\u00fccadelesinden sapt\u0131r\u0131p, her t\u00fcr ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politikadan mahrum b\u0131rakmak, b\u00f6ylelikle de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini da\u011f\u0131t\u0131p, onlar\u0131 \u201ckat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 demokrasiye\u201d, Sosyal Forumlara ve yeni \u201ck\u00fcresel y\u00f6neti\u015fime\u201d mahkum etmek isteyen korporatist politikalar\u0131 beslemek.<\/p>\n — Pierre CISE<\/p>\n Gerek bas\u0131nda gerek iktisadi ve siyasal literat\u00fcrde \u201cliberal\u201d veya \u201cneoliberal\u201d kelimelerine s\u0131k s\u0131k rastl\u0131yoruz, \u00f6rne\u011fin \u201cliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d, \u201cneoliberal politikalar\u201d, \u201cultraliberal\u201d, \u201csosyal liberalizm\u201d gibi \u00f6beklerin i\u00e7inde. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[11],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-222","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-34-say-mart-2006"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/222","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=222"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/222\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":470,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/222\/revisions\/470"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=222"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=222"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=222"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}\u201cNeoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi\u201d \u201cneoliberal politikalar\u201d m\u0131 yaratt\u0131?<\/h1>\n
Emperyalizmin kurumlar\u0131n devam\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak u\u011fruna \u201cneoliberal politikalara muhalefet\u201d<\/h1>\n
Birle\u015fik Sekreterya en \u00f6n safta<\/h1>\n
\u201cLiberalizm\u201d, kapitalist geli\u015fmenin yeni bir a\u015famas\u0131 m\u0131?<\/h1>\n