{"id":237,"date":"2011-02-01T21:20:34","date_gmt":"2011-02-01T19:20:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/?p=237"},"modified":"2014-07-01T20:09:09","modified_gmt":"2014-07-01T18:09:09","slug":"trocki-ve-geci-program","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/?p=237","title":{"rendered":"Tro\u00e7ki ve Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"

— Daniel GLUCKSTEIN 1<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131 Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin b\u00fct\u00fcn temel metinleri ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ku\u015fkusuz en k\u0131sa olanlar\u0131ndan biridir. Ve de ilk bak\u0131\u015fta yap\u0131s\u0131 itibariyle insana en \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 gelenidir. Bununla ilgili olarak Tro\u00e7ki \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor:<\/p>\n

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Son yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z tart\u0131\u015fmalarda baz\u0131 yolda\u015flar metindeki kimi \u00f6nerme ve taleplerimi oportunist bulmu\u015flar. Kimi yolda\u015flar ise metnin objektif ko\u015fullara tekab\u00fcl etmeyen, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 devrimci bir metin oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylediler. Bu t\u00fcr iki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn biraradal\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrdeki bu ikilemi k\u0131saca savunarak a\u00e7maya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.\u201d 2<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

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\u201cHayat\u0131m\u0131n En \u00d6nemli \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u201d<\/h2>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin zihninde bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n, yani program\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesinin i\u015fgal etti\u011fi yerin merkezi \u00f6nemi hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde \u00f6nemsizle\u015ftirilmemelidir. Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6nemsiz oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenler \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015fsa da, bu t\u00fcrden iddialar\u0131 ortaya atanlar\u0131n niyetleri ba\u015fkad\u0131r. Isaac Deutscher\u2019in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 biyografide 3<\/a><\/sup> \u015f\u00f6yle deniliyor:<\/p>\n

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\u201c[Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin] Enternasyonal i\u00e7in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131, prensiplerin a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir metin de\u011fildir. Daha ziyade taktikleri uygulamaya dair talimatlar i\u00e7erir. Partiyi derhal pratik liderli\u011fe haz\u0131rlamak i\u00e7in, sendikal m\u00fccadele ve g\u00fcnl\u00fck siyaset i\u00e7in yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Birle\u015fik Sekreterya\u2019n\u0131n liderleri Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u015fu veya bu b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri (\u00f6zellikle \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerle ilgili olanlar\u0131) zaman\u0131n iktisadi durumuyla ilgilidir, programatik meseleler de\u011fildir deyip durdular. Bu su\u00e7lamalar bizzat Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin kendisi taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc 4<\/a><\/sup> :<\/p>\n

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\u201cGelecek d\u00f6nemin (\u00f6ndevrimci ajitasyon, propaganda ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme d\u00f6neminin) stratejik meselesi olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f nesnel devrimci ko\u015fullarla, proletarya ve onun \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn haml\u0131\u011f\u0131 (yani ya\u015fl\u0131 neslin kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve gen\u00e7 neslin tecr\u00fcbesizli\u011fi) aras\u0131ndaki ikilemin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Kitlelere g\u00fcnl\u00fck m\u00fccadeleleri i\u00e7erisinde y\u00fckseltecekleri talepleriyle ve sosyalist devrim program\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki k\u00f6pr\u00fcy\u00fc kurmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in yard\u0131m edilmelidir. Bu k\u00f6pr\u00fc ge\u00e7i\u015f talepler sistemini i\u00e7ermelidir. Gene bu k\u00f6pr\u00fc; mevcut ko\u015fullardan ve proletaryan\u0131n en geni\u015f kesimlerinin mevcut bilincinden hareketle olu\u015fturulacak bir ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri sistemidir ki, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde tek ve ayn\u0131 hedefe var\u0131r: \u0130ktidar\u0131n proletarya taraf\u0131ndan fethine.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Burada da a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir ki, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin s\u00f6yledikleri Deutscher\u2019in iddias\u0131ndan, yani IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in sendikal m\u00fccadele ve g\u00fcnl\u00fck siyasete indirgenmesi \u00f6nerisinden \u00e7ok uzaktad\u0131r. Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131n merkezinde iktidar ve bu iktidar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan fethi 5<\/a><\/sup> meselesi vard\u0131r. Bilhassa, devrim i\u00e7in fazlas\u0131yla olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f nesnel ko\u015fullar ile \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar\u0131n (i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131nf\u0131 bilincinin tarihsel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunacak bir partide kristalize olmas\u0131) haml\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6z konusuyken iktidar\u0131n ele ge\u00e7irilmesi \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir meseledir. Tro\u00e7ki hayat\u0131n\u0131n son be\u015f y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 bu ikileme ve bu ikilemin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne adam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Tro\u00e7ki, 1935\u2019de \u201cS\u00fcrg\u00fcn G\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dne \u015f\u00f6yle yazar 6<\/a><\/sup> :<\/p>\n

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\u201c\u015eu anda y\u00fcr\u00fctmekte oldu\u011fum \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma t\u00fcm yetersizliklerine ve par\u00e7al\u0131 karakterine ra\u011fmen hayat\u0131m\u0131n en \u00f6nemli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu 1917\u2019den de, \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u2019tan da, bug\u00fcne kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn yazd\u0131klar\u0131mdan da daha \u00f6nemli. \u015e\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klayay\u0131m: E\u011fer 1917\u2019de Petersburg\u2019da olmasayd\u0131m Ekim Devrimi yine de ger\u00e7ekle\u015firdi. Zira Lenin oradayd\u0131 ve hareketi y\u00f6netiyordu. Elbette ne Lenin ne de ben orada olmasayd\u0131k Ekim Devrimi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmezdi. Bol\u015fevik Parti liderli\u011fi buna izin vermezdi. (…) Ama tekrar ediyorum. Lenin orada mevcut oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, Ekim Devrimi muzaffer olurdu. \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir. (…) Bu y\u00fczden 1917-21 aras\u0131ndaki faaliyetlerimin \u201celzem\u201d oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyemem. Ama \u015fu anki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam kelimenin tam manas\u0131yla \u201celzem\u201d. Ukalal\u0131k yapm\u0131yorum. \u0130ki Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, bu Enternasyonallerin liderlerinin \u00e7\u00f6zebilecek yeterlilikte olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir durum yaratt\u0131. Ki\u015fisel kaderim beni bu meseleyle daha \u00f6nce kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve bu meseleyle ba\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kabilmek i\u00e7in tecr\u00fcbe kazand\u0131m. Benden ba\u015fka kimse yeni nesli devrimci y\u00f6ntemle donatamaz. Bu konuda Lenin\u2019le (ya da Turgenyev\u2019le) kesinlikle hem fikirim. En zalimi : 55 ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde olmak! Ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olabilmek i\u00e7in en az 5 y\u0131l daha kesintisiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam gerek.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

\u201cYeni Ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 Devrimci Bir Y\u00f6ntemle Donatmak\u201d<\/h2>\n

Tro\u00e7ki bu s\u00f6z\u00fc s\u00f6yledikten be\u015f y\u0131l ge\u00e7tikten sonra, 20 A\u011fustos 1940\u2019da \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Bu be\u015f y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 \u201cyeni ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 devrimci y\u00f6ntemle silahland\u0131rma\u201d i\u015fine adad\u0131. 1938 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcnde, Paris b\u00f6lgesindeki Perigny Sur Yerres\u2019de kurucu toplant\u0131s\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in temelini olu\u015fturacak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda bulundu. Bu haz\u0131rl\u0131k s\u00fcreci ba\u011flam\u0131nda, yolda\u015flar\u0131yla yo\u011fun tart\u0131\u015fmalar i\u00e7erisinde ad\u0131 \u201cCan \u00c7eki\u015fen Kapitalizm ve IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in G\u00f6revleri\u201d olan Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Burada bu program\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli boyutlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde durabilirdik. Oysa bu yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin t\u00fcm \u00f6mr\u00fc boyunca dert edindi\u011fi ve bug\u00fcn bizler i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli olan konularla s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131z: Nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n proleter devrimi zorunlu k\u0131lmas\u0131 meselesi, \u00f6znel etmen ve bu sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc; i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin yeri; parti in\u015fas\u0131; nas\u0131l bir parti, kiminle bir parti, hangi bi\u00e7imde bir parti sorular\u0131…<\/b><\/p>\n

\u00dcretici G\u00fc\u00e7ler Meselesi<\/h2>\n

IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in programatik temelinde \u015fu vard\u0131r: \u201cProleter devrimin iktisadi \u00f6nko\u015fulu, kapitalizm alt\u0131nda ula\u015fabilece\u011fi en y\u00fcksek noktaya uzun zamand\u0131r ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin ilerlemesi durmu\u015ftur.<\/i>\u201d Program\u0131n daha ilk sat\u0131rlar\u0131nda \u201cyeni bulu\u015flar ve geli\u015fmeler maddi zenginlik seviyesini y\u00fckseltememektedir\u201d denir ve \u015f\u00f6yle devam edilir:<\/p>\n

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\u201cTarihsel ko\u015fullar\u0131n sosyalizm i\u00e7in hen\u00fcz yeterince \u201colgunla\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d muhabbeti, cehaletten veyahut kasti \u00e7arp\u0131tmadan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Sosyalist devrimin yoklu\u011funda insanl\u0131k medeniyeti felakete do\u011fru s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmektedir. S\u0131ra proletaryaya, devrimci \u00f6nc\u00fcye gelmi\u015ftir. \u0130nsano\u011flunun tarihsel krizi, devrimci liderlik krizine indirgenmi\u015ftir art\u0131k.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm analizinden \u00e7\u0131karsanan \u201cproleter devrimin iktisadi \u00f6nko\u015fullar\u0131\u201d tespiti, Rus Devrimi\u2019nin 20\u2019lerde d\u00fcnya devrimini getirmedi\u011fi, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kapitalizmin ayakta kalmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u201c\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fmesinin durdu\u011fu,\u201d \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc saptamas\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erir. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re bu su g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez bir ger\u00e7ektir. Bu y\u00fczden Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019nda bu meseleye \u00e7ok yer ay\u0131rmaya l\u00fczum g\u00f6rmemi\u015ftir. Fakat bu meselenin program\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcnde oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rmemek, program\u0131 yanl\u0131\u015f yorumlamak anlam\u0131na gelir. Pierre Lambert 1969 y\u0131l\u0131nda Marksist \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma grubuna yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cGe\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131n G\u00fcncelli\u011fi\u201d 7<\/a><\/sup> konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc \u201c\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ilerlemesinin durmas\u0131\u201d meselesine ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Burada Lambert, Marksizm\u2019i ve Marksist emperyalizm analizlerini de\u011fi\u015ftirenleri (Birle\u015fik Sekretaryac\u0131 ve Stalinist iktisat\u00e7\u0131larla s\u00f6zde kuramc\u0131lar\u0131) yanl\u0131\u015flamaktad\u0131r. \u201c\u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ilerlemesinin durmas\u0131\u201d kapitalizmin geli\u015fme e\u011filiminin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ti\u011fi ve \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin y\u0131k\u0131m g\u00fc\u00e7lerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anlam\u0131na gelir. Lenin\u2019in \u201cEmperyalizm, Kapitalizmin En Y\u00fcksek A\u015famas\u0131\u2019nda\u201d inceledi\u011fi e\u011filimin, Rus Devriminin izolasyonunun ard\u0131ndan yaz\u0131lan Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019ndaki formulasyonu \u201cinsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin kesinlikle durdu\u011fu\u201ddur. Lambert analizine \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan parampar\u00e7a olmu\u015f kapitalizmin, krizini ve \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ertelemek i\u00e7in g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e daha fazlala\u015facak \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde silahlanma ekonomisine, bilgisayar teknolojisinin atas\u0131 olan otomasyona ve mali spek\u00fclasyona sar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Yani, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde de\u011ferlenme imk\u00e2n\u0131 bulamayan sermayenin giderek artan iktidars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 telafi edebilmek i\u00e7in ba\u015fvurmak zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve asalak\u00e7a ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullanmas\u0131d\u0131r s\u00f6z konusu olan. Ve kullan\u0131lan bu ara\u00e7lar her a\u015famada krizi biraz daha \u015fiddetlendirmekte ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha h\u0131zla barbarl\u0131k yoluna do\u011fru sokmaktad\u0131r. Lambert, Marx\u2019\u0131n kendi d\u00f6neminde saptad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapitalizmin bu kronik e\u011filiminin XX. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015f\u0131nda s\u00fcreklilik kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrer. Lambert\u2019e g\u00f6re ancak program\u0131n temelinde yatan bu tahlilledir ki, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine dayanan kapitalizmin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonu, bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc \u00f6nlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ya da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n ihaneti ve IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in devrimci partisinin neden gerekli oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131labilir. 8<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n

Nesnel Ko\u015fullar ve \u00d6znel Etmen<\/h2>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re program\u0131n merkezinde nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n olgunlu\u011fu ve \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar\u0131n haml\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki u\u00e7urumun nas\u0131l a\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fi sorunsal\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu sorunsal\u0131 Amerikan yolda\u015flar\u0131yla girdi\u011fi bir tart\u0131\u015fmada \u015fu \u015fekilde a\u00e7\u0131klar:<\/p>\n

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\u201cABD ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131ndaki duruma bakal\u0131m. Ekonomik kriz benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir \u00f6l\u00e7ekte, mali kriz b\u00fct\u00fcn Eyaletleri sars\u0131yor ve sava\u015f yakla\u015f\u0131yor. \u0130\u015fte bu e\u015fi benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir toplumsal kriz (…) devlet krizde, y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f siyasi krizde. Bu ko\u015fullar devrimci durum i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir \u00f6nc\u00fcl. T\u00fcm d\u00fcnya benzer bir durumda, ama bilhassa ABD i\u00e7in durum b\u00f6yle. \u015eimdi gelelim i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n durumuna. Onun durumunda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik olmu\u015ftur. Gazete ve dergimiz \u201cSocialist Appeal\u201d ile \u201cNew International\u201dbaz\u0131 makalelerinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir alaka ve memnuniyetle Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin kendilerini birer i\u015f\u00e7i olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerini okudum. (…) Ve ard\u0131ndan i\u015fyerinde oturma grevleri geldi. Bildi\u011fim kadar\u0131yla ABD\u2019de daha \u00f6nce b\u00f6yle eylemler olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu eylemlerin ard\u0131ndan CIO* kuruldu. Ayr\u0131ca bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi in\u015fas\u0131 e\u011filimini g\u00f6rmekteyiz. (…) D\u00fcnyan\u0131n genel durumuna yani emperyalist \u00e7eli\u015fkilere; Amerikan kapitalizminin durumuna; krize ve i\u015fsizli\u011fe; Amerikan ekonomisinin ve burjuvazisinin yans\u0131mas\u0131 olan Amerikan devletine; y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n siyasi ruh haline ve saflar\u0131ndaki dalgalanmalara ve nihayetinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na bakarsak devrimci i\u00e7in ko\u015fullar\u0131n fazlas\u0131yla olgunla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Fakat altyap\u0131lardan \u00fcstyap\u0131lara ge\u00e7ti\u011fimizde, politikalara bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda ayn\u0131 olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6remiyoruz. Amerikan kapitalizminin i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri, yani kriz ve i\u015fsizlik, mukayese edilmeyecek derecede Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin bilincinden daha olgun… \u0130\u015fte i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz durumun iki kutbu budur. Denilebilir ki, mevcut durumun bir yan\u0131nda, devrim i\u00e7in gerekli olan temel toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcller fazlas\u0131yla olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015fken (…) \u00d6te yanda, ABD\u2019de maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck bir h\u0131zla ve \u015fiddetle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi y\u00fcz\u00fcnden kitlelerin bilinci- \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmelere u\u011fram\u0131\u015f olmakla birlikte- nesnel ko\u015fullardaki geli\u015fme ve olgunla\u015fmayla k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda geri bir noktadad\u0131r. \u00d6znel ko\u015fullar son tahlilde nesnel ko\u015fullara ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r, ama bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k basit bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 de\u011fildir\u201d 9<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Biz de meselenin bu boyutunun alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7iziyoruz. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin dedi\u011fi gibi nesnel etmen, \u00f6znel etmenden daha \u00f6nemlidir. Bu meseleyi Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019nda \u015fu \u015fekilde ele al\u0131r:<\/p>\n

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\u201cKitlelerin y\u00f6nelimi \u00f6ncelikle \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizmin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan, ikincil olarak da ya\u015fl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin ihanet dolu politikalar\u0131nca belirlenir. Bu etmenlerden elbette ilki belirleyici oland\u0131r. Tarihin yasalar\u0131 ku\u015fkusuz b\u00fcrokratik ayg\u0131tlardan \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Bir ba\u015fka ifadeyle, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yasalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fini engellemek kimsenin elinde de\u011fildir. Bu yasalar; i\u015f\u00e7ileri, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc engele ra\u011fmen bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak olu\u015fmaya y\u00f6neltece\u011fi gibi, kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini aya\u011fa dikmeye ve kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131fa kar\u015f\u0131 en sert s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini y\u00fcr\u00fctmelerine sevk eder.<\/p>\n

\u201cHalk Cephesinin \u0130\u015fleyi\u015fini G\u00f6rd\u00fck\u201d<\/h2>\n

Tro\u00e7ki \u201cnesnel ko\u015fullar belirleyicidir\u201d derken hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar \u00f6nemsizdir demek istememi\u015ftir. \u00d6znel etmenlerin nesnel ko\u015fullara ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman \u201cbasit bir s\u00fcre\u00e7\u201d de\u011fildir. \u015e\u00f6yle der Tro\u00e7ki:<\/p>\n

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\u201cFransa\u2019da ge\u00e7en y\u0131l ABD\u2019deki yolda\u015flar i\u00e7in ders niteli\u011finde olan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fmeye tan\u0131k olduk. (…) \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir ivme yakalam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sendikalar birka\u00e7 ay i\u00e7inde \u00fcye say\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 bir milyondan be\u015f milyona \u00e7\u0131kartm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Fransa\u2019daki oturma grevleri ABD\u2019deki grevlerden daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler her\u015feyi yapmaya haz\u0131rd\u0131lar. S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 zorlayacaklard\u0131. Ama Halk Cephesi\u2019nin i\u015fleyi\u015fini g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Komintern\u2019in (Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal) ihanetinin tarihsel \u00f6nemini ilk kez g\u00f6sterdik. Y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde Komintern kapitalizmin toplumsal muhafazas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir ayg\u0131t haline geldi. Nesnel ve \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar aras\u0131ndaki orant\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k keskinle\u015fti. Halk Cephesi, kitlelerin b\u00fcy\u00fck devrimci cereyan\u0131n\u0131 kanalize etmenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir engel haline geldi. Ve bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 oldular. (…) \u00d6nemli olan \u015fu: ABD\u2019de de, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131nda da nesnel ve \u00f6znel etmenler aras\u0131nda orant\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k var. Ama bu orant\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k hi\u00e7 bu kadar keskinle\u015fmemi\u015fti.\u201d 10<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Tro\u00e7ki, hain ayg\u0131t\u0131n Halk Cephesi ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za dikti\u011fi engellere ra\u011fmen m\u00fccadeleyi asla b\u0131rakmayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Nesnel ve \u00f6znel etmenler aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kaybetmeye mahk\u00fbm oldu\u011fu manas\u0131na gelmez. Devrimci zafer ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan biri hari\u00e7 t\u00fcm\u00fc sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yani i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nderlik ko\u015fulu haricindekilerin t\u00fcm\u00fc… Bu y\u00fczden Tro\u00e7ki, IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in az say\u0131da \u00fcyesi olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak onun \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselece\u011fini, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n mevcut bilinci ve g\u00f6revlerini yerine getirmek i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu bilin\u00e7 aras\u0131ndaki gecikmenin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in hayati bir rol oynayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler:<\/p>\n

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\u201cABD\u2019de yukar\u0131da and\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu orant\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131racak bir kitle hareketi mevcut. Green\u2019den Lewis\u2019e, Walker\u2019dan La Guardia\u2019ya 11<\/a><\/sup> … Temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ortadan kald\u0131racak bir hareket bu. Kom\u00fcnist Parti, Fransa\u2019daki rol\u00fcn\u00fcn ayn\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 oynuyor; sadece daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u015fiddetle… Rooseveltizm Fransa\u2019daki Halk Cephecili\u011fi\u2019nin yerini alm\u0131\u015f. Bu ko\u015fullarda partimize b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6rev d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor (…) Stratejik mesele kitlelere nesnel ko\u015fullarla uyu\u015facak siyasi ve psikolojik mantaliteyi sa\u011flamakta. Mesele Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin geleneksel \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmak, mantalitelerini t\u00fcm sistemin siyasi krizine uygun hale getirmek. Bu ko\u015fullarda–CIO\u2019nun olu\u015fturulma s\u00fcreci, oturma grevleri gibi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck tecr\u00fcbelerimizden hareketle–daha iyimser ve daha cesur olmal\u0131y\u0131z. Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin kelime haznesinde olmayan sloganlar geli\u015ftirmeliyiz.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/i>n\u0131n zorunlulu\u011fu t\u00fcm\u00fcyle IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ve tabii d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na bu gecikmeyi a\u015f\u0131p \u00f6nderlik krizine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yolunda ilerleyebilme yolunda yard\u0131m edebilmesi yetene\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 tam da bu belirgin b\u00f6lgeye m\u00fcdahale anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cStratejik Kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131z Ba\u011flam\u0131nda Bu Bir Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131d\u0131r\u201d<\/h2>\n

\u201cPeki Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131n anlam\u0131 ne?\u201d Bu soruya \u015fu \u015fekilde cevap veriyor Tro\u00e7ki:<\/p>\n

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\u201cBu bir eylem program\u0131. Kitlelerin kendilerine miras b\u0131rak\u0131lan fikirleri a\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in (…) onlar\u0131 nesnel ko\u015fullara uygun hale getirmek i\u00e7in bir program. Bu programda en basit talepler bulunmal\u0131. […] Program\u0131m\u0131zda bu t\u00fcr taleplerle, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin iktidar\u0131 devrim yoluyla ele ge\u00e7irmeleri aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 kuracak \u00f6geler olmal\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden baz\u0131 talepler \u00e7ok oportunist gelebilir zira bu talepler i\u015f\u00e7ilerin zihniyetine g\u00f6re \u015fekillenmi\u015f taleplerdir. Baz\u0131 talepler de a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 devrimci g\u00f6z\u00fckebilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu talepler i\u015f\u00e7ilerin mevcut zihniyetini de\u011fil nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131 yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131rlar. Bizim g\u00f6revimiz tez elden nesnel ve \u00f6znel etmenler aras\u0131ndaki u\u00e7urumu kapatmakt\u0131r\u201d 12<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131n\u0131n y\u00f6nteminin niteli\u011fi stratejiktir. Mevcut durumu ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 olarak kabul eder ve proletetaryan\u0131n iktidar\u0131 fethi meselesine y\u00f6nelir. Bu ko\u015fullarda ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin ana talepleri kapitalist sistem i\u00e7inde kar\u015f\u0131lanamaz. (Birazdan a\u00e7\u0131klayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi her ne kadar program acil talepler i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleye de yer verse de. Zira bu m\u00fccadele s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir) 13<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n

\u201cKayna\u011f\u0131, Devrimcilerin Uzun Y\u0131llara Dayanan Kolektif Deneyimleridir\u201d<\/h2>\n

\u201cGe\u00e7i\u015f talebi kavram\u0131n\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 nedir?\u201d sorusunu \u015f\u00f6yle cevapl\u0131yor Tro\u00e7ki:<\/p>\n

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\u201c\u015eunu \u0131srarla vurgulamal\u0131y\u0131m ki, bu sadece bir adam\u0131n kafas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir kavram de\u011fildir. K\u00f6keni, devrimcilerin uzun y\u0131llara uzanan deneyimlerine kadar gider. Eski prensiplerin mevcut ko\u015fullara uygulanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu uygulanma b\u00fct\u00fcn zamanlar i\u00e7in sabitlenmi\u015f bir uygulanma olmay\u0131p tam tersine her durum kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda belli bir esnekli\u011fe sahip olmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d 14<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Tro\u00e7ki, Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/i>ndaki bu ifadeyi, yani \u201cdevrimcilerin uzun y\u0131llara dayanan kolektif deneyimleri\u201d ifadesini bir \u00fcslup g\u00f6sterisi olarak de\u011fil, m\u00fccadelenin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131nda kullanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde bas\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir makalede 15<\/a><\/sup> 1848-1849 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Marx ve Engels taraf\u0131ndan yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f Kom\u00fcnist Parti Manifestosu\u2019nun on noktas\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. Bu manifesto asl\u0131nda daha o zamandan bir \u201cge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131\u201d karakterine sahiptir. Marx ve Engels bu metni 1872\u2019de Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc tecr\u00fcbeleri \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda d\u00fczeltecek ve metne eklemeler yapacaklard\u0131r. \u00d6yle ki i\u015f\u00e7ilerin programlar\u0131n\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi i\u00e7in burjuva devlet makinesinin imha edilmesi g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015ftir. Bu y\u00f6ntem daha sonra Bol\u015fevikler taraf\u0131ndan ele al\u0131nacakt\u0131r. Lenin, 1917 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn\u00fcn yani Rus Devrimi\u2019nin ortas\u0131nda \u201cYakla\u015fan Felaket ve Bununla Nas\u0131l M\u00fccadele Etmek Gerekir\u201d adl\u0131 makalesinde 16<\/a><\/sup> \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor:<\/p>\n

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\u201cKa\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz felaket Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ensesinde (…) \u00dclkede yeterli miktarda tah\u0131l ve hammadde varken ve b\u00f6yle kritik bir zamanda kitlesel i\u015fsizlik mevcutken, g\u0131da ve emek k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ekilmekte! Devrimin \u00fczerinden alt\u0131 ay ge\u00e7mi\u015fken, sendika bollu\u011funda, kendisini gururla \u201cdevrimci-demokratik\u201d olarak niteleyen organ ve kurumlar\u0131n oldu\u011fu bir demokratik cumhuriyette, yakla\u015fan felakete, k\u0131tl\u0131\u011fa dair hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yap\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in ba\u015fka kan\u0131ta ne hacet! B\u00fcy\u00fck bir s\u00fcratle felakete s\u00fcr\u00fckleniyoruz. Sava\u015f bizi beklemez ve \u00fclke hayat\u0131n\u0131n her alan\u0131nda giderek artan y\u0131k\u0131mlara neden oluyor.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Lenin, ko\u015fullara uygun acil talepleri form\u00fcle etmezden \u00f6nce bu uygulamalar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerden bahseder:<\/p>\n

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\u201cBiraz dikkat eder ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrsek bu felaketi ve k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in yap\u0131lacaklar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k, basit ve kesinlikle hayata ge\u00e7irilebilir uygulamalar oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Halk\u0131n kuvvetleri bu uygulamalar\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irebilirler. Fakat \u00f6nlerinde bu uygulamalar\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi halinde b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00e2r kay\u0131plar\u0131na u\u011frayacak bir avu\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibiyle kapitalist var\u201d 10<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Asl\u0131nda Bol\u015fevikler\u2019in Lenin\u2019in \u201cYakla\u015fan Felaket ve Bununla Nas\u0131l M\u00fccadele Etmek Gerekir\u201dde bahsetti\u011fi ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri programlar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda harekete ge\u00e7meye zamanlar\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r. Geli\u015fmeler (bilhassa 1917 Eyl\u00fcl ve Ekim\u2019inde Men\u015fevikler\u2019in ve Sosyal Devrimciler\u2019in kitleler \u00fczerindeki etkisinin \u00e7\u00f6kmesi) Bol\u015fevikler\u2019i sovyetlere, iktidar\u0131 do\u011frudan ele ge\u00e7irmeleri i\u00e7in \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131da bulunmaya zorlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ve zaten sovyetler de 25 Ekim 1917\u2019de iktidar\u0131 fiilen kendi ellerine alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Fakat Bol\u015feviklerin 1917 \u015eubat\u0131ndan Ekimine kadar uzanan pratik deneyimleri, Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/i>n\u0131n ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerini oldu\u011fu kadar \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmeti<\/i>\u201d \u015fiar\u0131n\u0131 da y\u00fcklenmesini sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u201d form\u00fcl\u00fc Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re b\u00fct\u00fcn ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin i\u00e7indeki \u201cen ileri<\/i>\u201d taleptir. Tro\u00e7ki bunu burjuvaziden kopu\u015f ihtiyac\u0131yla ili\u015fkilendirir ve Halk Cephesi\u2019ne kar\u015f\u0131t ko\u015far. Kitleleri kendi adlar\u0131na konu\u015fan partilere burjuvaziden kopma ve i\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmeti i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele yoluna girme konusunda bask\u0131 yapmak… \u0130\u015fte Tro\u00e7ki i\u00e7in bu kavga ekseni, varsay\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u201caz ger\u00e7eksi<\/i>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesine ra\u011fmen, merkezi bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. \u015e\u00f6yle ki:<\/p>\n

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\u201cTahminlerle u\u011fra\u015fmaya gerek yok. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmeti slogan\u0131 ve ajitasyonu her ko\u015fulda muazzam \u00f6\u011fretici bir de\u011fer ta\u015f\u0131r… Bu y\u00fczden her ge\u00e7i\u015f talebinden tek bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmal\u0131d\u0131r: \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler burjuvazinin geleneksel partilerinden kopmal\u0131 ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerle birlikte kendi iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131 kurmal\u0131d\u0131rlar\u201d 17<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda okuyucular\u0131m\u0131za Jean-Pierre Raffi\u2019nin dergimizin bu say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z makalesini okumalar\u0131n\u0131 tavsiye ederiz. 18<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n

K\u0131smi Talepler, Demokratik Talepler ve Ge\u00e7i\u015f Talepleri<\/h2>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri program\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmek kesinlikle acil taleplerin ertelenmesi anlam\u0131na gelmez:<\/p>\n

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\u201cIV. Enternasyonal\u2019in stratejik g\u00f6revi kapitalizmin d\u00fczeltilmesi de\u011fil y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Siyasi amac\u0131 iktidar\u0131n proletarya taraf\u0131ndan ele ge\u00e7irilmesi ve burjuvazinin m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmesidir. Fakat bu stratejik g\u00f6reve ula\u015fmak, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve k\u0131smi olanlar\u0131 da d\u00e2hil olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm taktiksel meselelere azami dikkat g\u00f6sterilmeksizin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olamaz… Bug\u00fcn i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz \u00e7a\u011fa mahsus \u00f6zellik, devrimci partiyi g\u00fcnl\u00fck meselelerden azade tutmas\u0131 de\u011fildir; g\u00fcnl\u00fck meselelerle devrimin as\u0131l g\u00f6revlerini birbirine ayr\u0131lmaz \u015fekilde ba\u011flamas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

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IV. Enternasyonal eski \u201casgari\u201d talepler program\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle g\u00f6zden \u00e7\u0131karmaz. Zira onlar\u0131n da \u00f6nemlerini korumay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri anlar h\u00e2l\u00e2 vard\u0131r. Ve daimi olarak demokratik haklar\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerin toplumsal kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Fakat g\u00fcnl\u00fck meseleleri ger\u00e7ek devrimci perspektif ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele al\u0131r. Kitlelerin k\u0131smi, \u201casgari\u201d talepleri \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizmin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 ve al\u00e7alt\u0131c\u0131 e\u011filimlerine toslay\u0131p onlarla ba\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 – ki bu art\u0131k her ad\u0131mda kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor- durumlarda IV. Enternasyonal ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri sistemini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrecektir. Zira ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri \u00f6z\u00fcnde, her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn artacak \u015fekilde daha a\u00e7\u0131k ve kati suretle burjuva d\u00fczeninin temellerini hedefe almaktad\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

XXI. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda bu al\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemi b\u00fcy\u00fck. Zira g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizm (\u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti d\u00fczeninin saflar\u0131na kat\u0131lan \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i-burjuva\u201d ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n da deste\u011fini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan) kitleleri savunmaya \u00e7ekilmeye zorlamaktad\u0131r. Bu savunma sadece temel \u201casgari\u201d talepler i\u00e7in de\u011fildir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda hatta \u00f6ncelikle, kitlelerin varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 tehdit eden \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 durmak i\u00e7indir. Bu sald\u0131r\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, s\u0131n\u0131f ve demokrasi m\u00fccadelelerinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan t\u00fcm demokratik kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 vurmaktad\u0131r. \u015e\u00f6yle ki, s\u0131ras\u0131yla; g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde korporatizm yoluna s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmek \u00fczere benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir bas\u0131n\u00e7 alt\u0131na sokulan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sendikal ve siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f emperyalizmin birbiri ard\u0131na y\u0131kmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal demokrasinin temel \u00f6geleri ve hatta g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde da\u011f\u0131lma ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme s\u00fcreci i\u00e7ine sokulmu\u015f olan uluslar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k hedefleri halindedir. Bu durum s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n t\u00fcm kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ve demokrasiyi savunmak i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yor. Ama bu savunma hatt\u0131n\u0131n IV. Enternasyonal militanlar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm m\u00fccadeleyi \u201casgari taleplere\u201d indirgemesi ve proleter devrimi belirsiz bir gelece\u011fe ertelemesi manas\u0131na gelmiyor. Aksine, bu gerici ve y\u0131k\u0131m \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda her talep i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmek, kitleleri, kendilerini m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirenleri m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7irmek manas\u0131na geliyor.<\/p>\n

Bir \u00c7\u0131k\u0131\u015f Yolu Bulabilmek \u0130\u00e7in Parti \u0130n\u015fas\u0131<\/h2>\n

Yukar\u0131da da belirtti\u011fimiz gibi Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri sisteminin amac\u0131, proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nderlik krizinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne katk\u0131 yapmakt\u0131r. Bu ayn\u0131 zamanda IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in temellerini olu\u015fturmak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin Halk Cephecili\u011fine ve korporatizme kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunacak ve g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecek ne gerekiyorsa yapmak demek. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri parti in\u015fas\u0131na da dairdir. ABD\u2019deki IV. Enternasyonal destek\u00e7ileriyle tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (Labour Party<\/i>) sorunsal\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirmi\u015ftir Tro\u00e7ki. O s\u0131ralarda sava\u015f yakla\u015fmaktad\u0131r ve Avrupa\u2019da fa\u015fizm y\u00fckselmektedir. Ve sendikalar\u0131n bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi kurmas\u0131 ve Demokrat Parti\u2019den s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 koparma tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci politikalar\u0131n\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irebilmek i\u00e7in Ekim Devriminin bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gasp etmi\u015f bulunan stalinizmle gene kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci politikalar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcten sosyal-demokrasinin s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fczerinde h\u00e2kimiyetlerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri ko\u015fullarda \u201cnas\u0131l bir parti sorusu\u201d g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015ftir 19<\/a><\/sup> . Tro\u00e7ki ABD\u2019de bile fa\u015fizmin postallar\u0131 alt\u0131nda ezilme riskinin oldu\u011funu ifade etmi\u015f, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 durmaya ve onu \u00f6nlemeye muktedir oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftir. B\u00f6yle geni\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 duvar olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir. Bu geni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i partisi a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 gerek\u00e7elendirirken de i\u015f\u00e7ilerin do\u011frudan kitleler halinde bir Tro\u00e7kist \u00f6rg\u00fct olan Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019ne kat\u0131lmayacaklar\u0131n\u0131 eklemi\u015ftir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ona g\u00f6re Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin g\u00fcc\u00fc \u015fimdilik s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. Ve bu \u015fu anki s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 krizin h\u0131z\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisine gerekli haz\u0131rlanma zaman\u0131n\u0131 vermeyecektir. Peki ya devrimci kriz patlak verdi\u011finde IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in kitlesel etkiye sahip bir partisi e\u011fer hen\u00fcz kurulmam\u0131\u015fsa, neden b\u00f6yle bir partinin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z temellerini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131racak daha geni\u015f bir kitlesel etkiye sahip k\u00f6kle\u015fmi\u015f bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i partisi i\u00e7inde IV. Enternasyonal bir ak\u0131m olarak yer almas\u0131n? Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re bu soru di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn sorular\u0131 ikincil k\u0131lar. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re bu devrimci program\u0131 asla terk etmek anlam\u0131na gelmez. Nesnel ko\u015fullardan do\u011fan bir programd\u0131r bu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na mevcut ko\u015fullarda bir alan a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131na dairdir. Parti in\u015fas\u0131nda ilerlemek, fa\u015fizme do\u011fru s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131fa kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele edecek bir parti kurmakt\u0131r. Parti in\u015fas\u0131ndaki bu ge\u00e7i\u015f, tarihsel bir zorunluluktan (insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n krizi \u00f6nderlik krizidir) do\u011far ve amac\u0131 nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n olgunlu\u011fuyla \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar\u0131n zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki u\u00e7urumun h\u0131zlanan geli\u015fmeler ba\u011flam\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

IV. Enternasyonal ve \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi<\/h2>\n

Amerikal\u0131 militanlarla y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir tart\u0131\u015fmada kendisine yap\u0131lan bir itiraza cevap verirken Tro\u00e7ki \u015f\u00f6yle diyor:<\/p>\n

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\u201cReformist bir i\u015f\u00e7i parti kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131 savunuyoruz? Hay\u0131r. Sendikalar\u0131n terazinin bir kefesine a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koyabilmelerine imk\u00e2n verecek bir politikay\u0131 m\u0131 savunuyoruz? Evet. Elbette bu reformist bir partiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir. Zira bu olas\u0131l\u0131k partinin geli\u015fimine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu noktada program meselesi g\u00fcndeme gelir. D\u00fcn de s\u00f6yledi\u011fim bir \u015feyin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek istiyorum. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmeti talebini de i\u00e7eren Ge\u00e7i\u015f Talepleri program\u0131m\u0131z olmal\u0131. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fan kitlelerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z partisinden yanay\u0131z. Devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irecek bir partiden.\u201d 20<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re bu yakla\u015f\u0131m mevcut durumun geli\u015fiminin h\u0131zl\u0131 bir g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilmesi \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilmelidir.<\/p>\n

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\u201c\u00c7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizmde ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. Krizler vah\u015fi, sava\u015f yakla\u015f\u0131yor. Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7iler h\u0131zla \u00f6\u011frenirler. E\u011fer bekleyip g\u00f6relim, sonra propaganda yapal\u0131m dersek \u00f6nc\u00fc olmay\u0131z, art\u00e7\u0131 oluruz. Bana Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ileri on sene i\u00e7inde iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irebilir mi diye sorarsan\u0131z, evet derim, bu pekala m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. (…) Biz k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcz. Propaganda yap\u0131yoruz. Bu gibi durumlarda h\u0131zla b\u00fcy\u00fcyen kitlelerden daha \u015f\u00fcpheciyiz. 1917 ba\u015f\u0131nda Lenin partinin Merkez Komite\u2019den on kat, kitlelerin parti kadrolar\u0131ndan y\u00fcz kat daha devrimci oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. Sakin zamanlarda \u00e7ok\u00e7a devrimci fikirleri olan yolda\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z, devrimci durumlarda ger\u00e7ek frenleyiciler haline gelebiliyorlar. Devrimci bir parti devrimi o kadar s\u0131k ve o kadar uzun s\u00fcre bekler ki, devrim patlak verdi\u011finde onu ertelemeyi al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131k haline getirmi\u015f olabilir\u201d 21<\/a><\/sup> .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Elbette Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re geni\u015f ve kitlesel bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi in\u015fa s\u00fcresince IV. Enternasyonal \u00fcyeleri kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini da\u011f\u0131tmamal\u0131d\u0131rlar:<\/p>\n

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\u201cKendi \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcm\u00fcz ve yay\u0131n\u0131m\u0131z oldu\u011funu herkese a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a s\u00f6yl\u00fcyoruz (…) Ama biz hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok zay\u0131f\u0131z. Ama i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u015funu s\u00f6yleyemeyiz: \u2018Bizim biraz daha etkili ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmam\u0131z\u0131 bekleyin\u2019. Oldu\u011fu haliyle harekete m\u00fcdahale etmeliyiz.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Tro\u00e7ki, geni\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi in\u015fas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir militanla konu\u015furken \u015f\u00f6yle der:<\/p>\n

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\u201cGeni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i partisi\u2019nin devrimci bir parti oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyemem. Ama onu devrimci parti haline getirmek i\u00e7in elimizden geleni yapaca\u011f\u0131z. Her toplant\u0131da \u015f\u00f6yle diyece\u011fiz: Ben Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019ni temsil ediyorum. Onun tek devrimci parti oldu\u011funu iddia ediyorum. Ama sekter de\u011filim. Siz \u015fimdi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorsunuz. Size yard\u0131m edece\u011fim. Ama \u00f6nerim \u015fu \u015fu talepleri i\u00e7eren bir parti kurman\u0131z.\u201d 21<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Gene ayn\u0131 geni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i partisi hakk\u0131nda konu\u015furken \u015f\u00f6yle devam eder:<\/p>\n

\n

\u201c B\u00f6yle ilerici bir hareket kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda olumsuz bir tav\u0131r tak\u0131nan ya da beklemeci bir tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa b\u00fcr\u00fcnen bir devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct kendini yaln\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 gibi sekter bir yozla\u015fmaya da s\u00fcr\u00fcklenir. (…) Ama Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi kendini soyut bir geni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i partisi \u015fiar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bu \u015fiar\u0131n \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fc alt\u0131nda tepelerde ilkesiz ili\u015fkilere de girmez. Yapaca\u011f\u0131, bir ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri program\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerek kitle hareketinin bir geni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i partisine y\u00f6nelmesini sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

\n

Kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctsel b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve siyasi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 muhafaza eden Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi,geni\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan ya da bunu burjuvazinin bir arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek isteyen sendikal b\u00fcrokrasi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sistematik ve tavizsiz m\u00fccadelesini y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcr. Ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri program\u0131n\u0131 anlat\u0131p propagandas\u0131n\u0131 yapan Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi, kitlelerin g\u00fcncel deneyimleri temelinde, sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin ve onun Sosyal Demokrat ve Stalinist m\u00fcttefiklerinin reformist ve pasifist hayallerini de\u015fifre eder(…)\u201d 22<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in kurulu\u015fu fa\u015fizme do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn tehdidi alt\u0131nda proletarya ile burjuvazi aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmayla sava\u015fa do\u011fru h\u0131zl\u0131 ilerlemenin ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Bu ba\u011flamda \u00f6nderlik krizinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olacak aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n merkezindedir. Bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm kendi program\u0131 etraf\u0131nda in\u015fa olacak IV. Enternasyonal ile pratik m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde yer alacak seksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015ftirir; iki t\u00fcr m\u00fccadele de farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde nesnel ve \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar aras\u0131ndaki bo\u015flu\u011fu doldurma hedefine ba\u011flan\u0131r. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tarihsel ko\u015fullar Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin saptamalar\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarla bir\u00e7ok benzerlikler ta\u015f\u0131sa da, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin do\u011fmakta olan IV. Enternasyonal\u2019den yolda\u015flar\u0131yla diyalo\u011fu s\u0131ras\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/i>n\u0131n y\u00f6ntemiyle hedeflerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin tarihinin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan g\u00fcncelli\u011fi nedir? \u0130\u015fte IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in s\u0131n\u0131f ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ger\u00e7ekten inanm\u0131\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin b\u00fct\u00fcn e\u011filimlerinden emek\u00e7ileri ve militanlar\u0131 davet etti\u011fi, kapitalist barbarl\u0131\u011fa do\u011fru gidi\u015fi engelleyecek muzaffer bir m\u00fccadelenin anahtar\u0131 oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fma budur.<\/p>\n

\"Bu<\/a>

Bu say\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 okumak i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n<\/a>.<\/p><\/div>\n

  1. La V\u00e9rit\u00e9\/Ger\u00e7ek’in 69. say\u0131s\u0131ndan dilimize Yasin Kaya taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7evrilmi\u015ftir.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  2. \u201cDiscussion pour r\u00e9sumer sur les revendications de transition<\/cite>\u201d, 23 mars 1938, tome 17 des Oeuvres de Trotsky.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  3. Isaac Deutscher, Trotsky<\/i>.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  4. Programme de transition: \u201cProgramme minimum et programme de transition.<\/i>\u201d[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  5. O iktidar\u0131n fethi ki; partinin, en basit \u201cg\u00fcnl\u00fck\u201d talepleri kendinden bir \u015fey olarak de\u011fil de iktidar sorununu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcp \u00f6n\u00fcne koyabilmek i\u00e7in ge\u00e7i\u015fin hareket noktas\u0131 olarak ele almas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  6. Trotsky, Journal d\u2019exil<\/i>, 25 mars 1935[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  7. La V\u00e9rit\u00e9<\/i>, n: 604, Haziran 1989 say\u0131s\u0131nda yeniden yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  8. Elinizdeki makaleye bu dergide tahsis edilmi\u015f olan yer bu sorunu daha derinlemesine incelememize imk\u00e2n vermiyor. Pierre Lambert\u2019in 1969 y\u0131l\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6yle\u015fide dillendirdiklerini daha sonraki y\u0131llara uzand\u0131rmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.1971 y\u0131l\u0131nda Nixon ABD paras\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131na endekslili\u011finden vazge\u00e7me karar\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Frans\u0131z seksiyonun atas\u0131 olan OCI (Organisation communiste internationaliste: Enternasyonalist Kom\u00fcnist \u00d6rg\u00fct) bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yaparak, bunun, \u201c\u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet rejiminin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi<\/i>\u201dnin bir ifadesi oldu\u011fu tahlilini yapm\u0131\u015f ve Amerikan ekonomisinin ancak \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenler taraf\u0131ndan harekete ge\u00e7irilen \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birer y\u0131k\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc devasa bir insan eme\u011fi israf\u0131na<\/i>\u201d yol a\u00e7an ve giderek artan askeri krediler pahas\u0131na hayat\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebildi\u011fini g\u00f6stermi\u015fti. OCI\u2019nin bu a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda (2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda bas\u0131lan Luttes des classes et mondialisation<\/i> adl\u0131 kitapta yeniden yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r) \u015fu noktan\u0131n alt\u0131 \u00e7izilmi\u015ftir: \u201cKapitalist ekonominin di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn sekt\u00f6rleri gibi silah sekt\u00f6r\u00fc ekonomisinin de belirli s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 vard\u0131r ve Nixon ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tedbirlerle bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015f bulunuyor.<\/i>\u201d Nitekim 1971\u2019den itibaren emperyalizm, art\u0131-de\u011ferin zoral\u0131m\u0131nda sermayenin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fckleri a\u015fabilmek i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli olarak silah ekonomisine – hatta giderek bir sava\u015f ekonomisi halini alan silah ekonomisine- ve \u00f6zellikle benzeri g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir \u015fi\u015fkinli\u011fe ula\u015fan sanal sermayelere ve bunun gibi asalak\u00e7a ara\u00e7lara ba\u015fvurdu. Enternasyonalimizin bundan yakla\u015f\u0131k on y\u0131l kadar \u00f6nce \u00e7e\u015fitli makalelerde ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak tahlil etti\u011fi gibi 1971 kriziyle ba\u015flayan bu zincirleme ili\u015fki 70\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonuyla 80\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda genelle\u015fmi\u015f mali ve parasal kurals\u0131zla\u015fmaya kadar vard\u0131. Bu kurals\u0131zla\u015fma da i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferine kar\u015f\u0131 genelle\u015fmi\u015f bir sald\u0131r\u0131yla uluslar\u0131n ve devletlerin y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir sald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 besledi. Krizden krize, spek\u00fclatif balondan spek\u00fclatif balona yol a\u00e7an bu \u015fi\u015fmi\u015f devasa sermayeler – baz\u0131lar\u0131 ger\u00e7ek baz\u0131lar\u0131 sanal olmak \u00fczere- her seferinde ba\u015fta proletaryan\u0131n i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc olmak \u00fczere \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri y\u0131kan g\u00fc\u00e7ler haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrler.\u201dSubprime\u201dler krizinin ilk y\u0131l\u0131 olan 2007 A\u011fustos\u2019u ile 2008 A\u011fustos\u2019u aras\u0131nda imha olan de\u011ferler d\u00fcnya gayrisafi has\u0131las\u0131ndan fazla olup, bir burjuva iktisat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ifadesine g\u00f6re genel bir d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahribat kadar olmu\u015ftur.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  9. \u201cDiscussions pour r\u00e9sumer les revendications de transition<\/i>\u201d, 23 mars 1938, tome 17 des Oeuvres de Trotsky.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  10. Age.[↩<\/a>]<\/span>[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  11. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re William Green\u2019in AFL\u2019sinin gerici meslek sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan John L. Lewis\u2019in CIO\u2019sunun sanayi sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015fi ileriye do\u011fru at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. Hatta CIO\u2019nun geli\u015fmesinin sonucunda, bir ba\u015fka planda, New York Belediye Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kapitalist \u00e7evrelerde \u00e7ok iyi tan\u0131nan bir i\u015fveren olan James John Walker\u2019in (1886-1957) yerine kendini daha ilerici olarak tan\u0131tan LaGuardia\u2019n\u0131n se\u00e7ilmesi de ilgin\u00e7tir.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  12. \u201cDiscussions pour r\u00e9sumer les reendications de transition<\/i>\u201d, 23 mars 1938, tome 17 des Oeuvres de Trotsky.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  13. \u00dccretlerde ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma saatlerinde oynak merdiven \u015fiar\u0131 konusunda Tro\u00e7ki \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201cBu \u015fiar ne anlama geliyor? Ger\u00e7ekte bu, sosyalist toplumun \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma sistemidir. Yani toplam i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n toplam \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma saati say\u0131s\u0131na b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi. Biz meseleyi b\u00f6yle sunaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131za sosyalist sistemi b\u00fct\u00fcnsel olarak sunsayd\u0131k, bu , s\u0131radan Amerikal\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde \u00fctopik ya da Avrupa\u2019dan gelen bir \u015fey olarak g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcrd\u00fc. Biz bunu mevcut krize bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olmak \u00fczere insanlar\u0131n yeme, i\u00e7me ve sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 konutlarda ya\u015fama hakk\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alabilmek i\u00e7in ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fck. S\u00f6yledi\u011fimiz sosyalizmin program\u0131d\u0131r, fakat daha basit ve pop\u00fcler bir bi\u00e7imde dile getirilmi\u015ftir.<\/i>\u201d (\u201cThe Political Backwardness of the American Workers<\/i>\u201d, The Transitional Program for Socialist Revolution, Pathfinder Press, i\u00e7inde yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r). Bu arada \u015funu i\u015faret etmekte fayda var ki, Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131n\u0131n bu \u015fiar\u0131n\u0131n Fransa\u2019daki NPA (Nouveau parti anti-capitaliste: Yeni Anti-kapitalist Parti) t\u00fcr\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin \u015fimdilerde ortaya att\u0131klar\u0131 \u201ci\u015fin ve zenginliklerin payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/i>\u201d tipi \u201ctalepler\u201dle uzak yak\u0131n hi\u00e7bir ilgisi yoktur. \u00c7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, milyonlara varan istihdam\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131yla belirlenen mevcut kriz ko\u015fullar\u0131nda \u00f6ncelikli i\u015f\u00e7i talebi i\u015ften atmalar\u0131n yasaklanmas\u0131 ve yeni istihdam\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r (ABD\u2019de, AFL-CIO i\u015f\u00e7i sendikalar\u0131 konfederasyonu 15 milyonluk yeni i\u015f yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 talebinde bulunmu\u015ftur). G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde mevcut i\u015flerin payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 talebiyse, istihdam\u0131n e\u011freti \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yoksulla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 politikalar\u0131 nedeniyle \u00e7\u00f6kertilmesi riskini ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/i>, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin de ifade etti\u011fi gibi her ko\u015ful alt\u0131nda ge\u00e7erlili\u011fi olan bir talepler katalo\u011fu de\u011fildir. Ama ku\u015fkusuz y\u00f6ntem b\u00fct\u00fcn ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini koruyor.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  14. \u201cThe Political Backwardness of the American Workers<\/i>\u201d, The Transitional Program for Socialist Revolution, i\u00e7inde, Pathfinder Press.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  15. \u201c90 ann\u00e9es de Manifeste communiste<\/i>\u201d, 30 octobre 1937, tome 15 des Oeuvres de Trotsky.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  16. \u201c Yakla\u015fan Felaket ve Onu \u00d6nlemenin \u0130mk\u00e2nlar\u0131<\/i>\u201d[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  17. \u201cGe\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131: \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve K\u00f6yl\u00fc H\u00fck\u00fcmeti<\/i>\u201d Kardelen Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1992.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  18. \u0130ktidar\u0131n Sovyetler taraf\u0131ndan ele ge\u00e7irili\u015fini izleyen y\u0131llarda gen\u00e7 Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal Marx\u2019\u0131n ve Engels\u2019in yolunu izledi. Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in III. Kongresindeki bir kararda \u015fu yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cKom\u00fcnist partiler ancak m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde geli\u015febilirler. En k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck kom\u00fcnist partiler bile sadece basit bir propaganda ve ajitasyon faaliyetini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekle yetinemezler. Kom\u00fcnist partiler proletaryan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctleri i\u00e7inde s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcleri olarak yer al\u0131p, gecikmi\u015f ve ayak s\u00fcr\u00fcyen kitlelere somut m\u00fccadele hedefleri form\u00fcle ederek, onlar\u0131 hayati ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 talep etme m\u00fccadelesine sevk ederek, nas\u0131l sava\u015fmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fini anlatarak ve kom\u00fcnist olmayan partilerin nas\u0131l ihanet \u00e7izgisine vard\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stererek kendilerini in\u015fa etmelidirler(…) Kapitalizm zemini alt\u0131nda proletaryan\u0131n kitlesinin durumunu kal\u0131c\u0131 olarak iyile\u015ftirecek hi\u00e7bir \u015fey m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir(…) Ama bu duygu bizi hi\u00e7bir zaman proletaryan\u0131n acil ve hayati talepleri u\u011fruna m\u00fccadele etmekten alakoyamaz(…) Tam tersine kitlelerin her ihtiyac\u0131 devrimci m\u00fccadelelerin hareket noktas\u0131 olarak ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar b\u00fct\u00fcnsel olarak toplumsal devrimin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturabilirler. Kom\u00fcnist partiler bu m\u00fccadelelerinde kapitalizmin v\u00fccuduna a\u015f\u0131 yaparak onun g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine ve yenilenmesine imk\u00e2n sa\u011flayacak hi\u00e7bir asgari program\u0131 \u00f6nlerine koymazlar. Bu v\u00fccudun ifl\u00e2s\u0131 onlar\u0131n y\u00f6nlendirici hedefi, g\u00fcncel g\u00f6revidir. Kom\u00fcnist partiler bu g\u00f6revi yerine getirebilmek amac\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeleri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan acil ve yak\u0131c\u0131 bir zorunluluk olan talepleri \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kartmal\u0131 ve bu talepleri kitlelerin m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7inde, kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc sistemiyle uyumlu olup olmad\u0131klar\u0131na bakmaks\u0131z\u0131n savunurlar.<\/i>\u201d (Recueil des Quatre Premiers Congres de l\u2019Internationale communiste, These sur la tactique- Combats et revendications partiels<\/i>\u201d; Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in ilk D\u00f6rt Kongresi Derlemesi, \u201cTaktik \u00dczerine Tez: K\u0131smi Talepler ve M\u00fccadeleler\u201d).[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  19. Alan Benjamin\u2019in La V\u00e9rit\u00e9<\/i> nin 69. say\u0131s\u0131ndaki makalesine bkz.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  20. \u201cDiscussion sur le Labor Party<\/i>\u201d, 21 mars 1938, tome 17 des Oeuvres de Trotsky[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  21. Agt.[↩<\/a>]<\/span>[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li>
  22. \u201cLe Probleme du Labor Party<\/i>\u201d, avril 1938, tome 17 des Oeuvres de Trotsky.[↩<\/a>]<\/span><\/li><\/ol>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    — Daniel GLUCKSTEIN 1 Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131 Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin b\u00fct\u00fcn temel metinleri ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ku\u015fkusuz en k\u0131sa olanlar\u0131ndan biridir. Ve de ilk bak\u0131\u015fta yap\u0131s\u0131 itibariyle insana en \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 gelenidir. Bununla ilgili olarak Tro\u00e7ki \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor: Son yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z tart\u0131\u015fmalarda baz\u0131 yolda\u015flar metindeki kimi \u00f6nerme ve taleplerimi oportunist bulmu\u015flar. Kimi yolda\u015flar ise metnin objektif ko\u015fullara tekab\u00fcl etmeyen, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-237","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-43-say-ubat-2011"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/237","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=237"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/237\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":856,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/237\/revisions\/856"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=237"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=237"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=237"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}