Art\u0131k palazlanan T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisi de bu t\u00fcr korkulardan azade de\u011fil. Kafas\u0131 kar\u0131\u015fan G\u00fcler Sabanc\u0131, ABD-\u00c7in aras\u0131ndaki gerilimi so\u011fuk sava\u015f d\u00f6nemine benzetiyor. Ezberi bozuldu\u011fu i\u00e7in korksa da, do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi irrasyonel t\u00fcm sermaye akt\u00f6rleri gibi T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisi de korktu\u011fu yeni ko\u015fullardan pay \u00e7\u0131karmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya haz\u0131r. Sabanc\u0131 Holding Do\u011fu Asya\u2019daki ucuz i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kullanmak i\u00e7in \u00fcretimini ve \u00c7in\u2019in b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi beklenen i\u00e7 pazar\u0131ndan yararlanmak i\u00e7in t\u00fcketiminin bir k\u0131s\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 Do\u011fu\u2019ya kayd\u0131rmaya haz\u0131r. 4<\/a><\/sup> Elvis Presley\u2019in \u201cDo\u011fu\u2019ya git gen\u00e7 adam\u2019\u2019 sarkisi bizim patronlar ve patroncular\u0131n zihinlerine kaz\u0131n\u0131yor.<\/p>\n Bu geli\u015fmeler nas\u0131l yorumlanmal\u0131? Yeni bir durum yok, geli\u015fmeler Amerikan emperyalizminin yaygaras\u0131ndan m\u0131 ibaret? Yoksa \u00c7in\u2019in emperyalist sistemdeki rol\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fmeye mi ba\u015flad\u0131? Peki \u00c7in\u2019in bu haliyle mevcudiyeti emperyalizmin devam\u0131 i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekten tehdit mi? E\u011fer \u00f6yleyse bu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7in ne manaya geliyor? Bu t\u00fcr sorular ba\u015fka memleketlerdeki sosyalistler aras\u0131nda sorulmaya ba\u015fland\u0131. Fakat T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7in \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fma hen\u00fcz ciddi anlamda ba\u015flamad\u0131. Bu geli\u015fmelerin T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in ne manaya gelece\u011fi konusunda ise tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 neredeyse yok. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n gayesi bu fikir mesaisini Sosyalizm<\/em> sayfalar\u0131nda ba\u015flatmak.<\/p>\n Geli\u015fmeleri iki a\u00e7\u0131dan okumaya ba\u015flayabiliriz. \u00c7in\u2019in entegre oldu\u011fu \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizm i\u00e7in i\u015flevi ile \u00c7in\u2019deki toplumsal ve siyasi yap\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131ndan. Bu iki mesele de ancak emperyalist sistemin belirli tarihselli\u011fi i\u00e7inde do\u011fru \u015fekilde anla\u015f\u0131labilir. Bununla neyi kastetti\u011fimizi, okurlar\u0131n zaten bildiklerini onlara tekrar etmek pahas\u0131na a\u00e7al\u0131m.<\/p>\n Emperyalizm kapitalizmin bir evresidir. Lenin\u2019in de belirtti\u011fi gibi merkezile\u015fen para sermaye ile yo\u011funla\u015fan \u00fcretken sermayenin birle\u015fimi anlam\u0131na gelen finans kapitalin hakimiyeti alt\u0131ndaki evredir bu. Metropollerdeki bu yo\u011funla\u015fma ve merkezile\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7leri sermayenin kendini yeniden \u00fcretmesini s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015fmak i\u00e7inse metropollerde biriken ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc miktardaki sermayenin ihrac\u0131na ba\u015fvurulmu\u015f, sermaye ihrac\u0131 i\u00e7in birbiriyle rekabet eden b\u00fcy\u00fck karteller, ulus-devletlerini askeri rekabete ve nihayetinde d\u00fcnya sava\u015flar\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015flerdir. Yani emperyalist merkezlerin iktidar\u0131n\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131nda meta de\u011fil sermaye ihrac\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bir \u00fclke d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ihracat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olabilir ama bu onun emperyalist bir \u00fclke oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmez.<\/p>\n \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle de 1960 ve 1970\u2019lerde Amerikan emperyalizminin nas\u0131l i\u015fledi\u011fine bakarsak bu durumu daha net g\u00f6rebiliriz. Avrupa\u2019dan meta ihrac\u0131 artarken, bu metalar\u0131n \u00fcretiminde etkin olan sermaye Amerikan sermayesi olmu\u015ftur. Avrupa\u2019da \u00fcretim ABD\u2019nin sermaye ihrac\u0131 vesilesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmu\u015f, Bat\u0131 Avrupa ve Amerikan sermayesi i\u00e7sel olarak birbirlerine kenetlenmi\u015flerdir. Bu i\u00e7sel ili\u015fki sayesinde Avrupa ekonomisi b\u00fcy\u00fcrken, Amerikan sermayesi de\u011ferlenebilmi\u015f ve yeniden \u00fcretilip b\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu d\u00f6nemde d\u00fcnya sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ncesindeki b\u00fcy\u00fck kartellerin yerini \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Birbirine kenetlenen Amerikan sermayesinin ve Avrupa sermayesinin v\u00fccut buldu\u011fu bu dev kurumsal yap\u0131lar, uluslararas\u0131 sistemin y\u00f6r\u00fcngesini tayin edebilecek g\u00fcce ula\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n Dillere destan \u2018neo-liberal\u2019 birikim s\u00fcreci, yukar\u0131da de\u011findi\u011fimiz birikim modelinin 1970\u2019lerdeki krizine, kar hadlerinin sistemik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 in\u015fa edilen bir projedir. Bu projenin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve uluslar i\u00e7in ne manaya geldi\u011fi gerek bu sayfalarda gerekse \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyalist yay\u0131nlarda defalarca \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlendi\u011fi i\u00e7in bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n kapsam\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda b\u0131rak\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Buradaki amac\u0131m\u0131z \u2018neo-liberal\u2019 birikim s\u00fcrecinin ancak \u00c7in\u2019in kapitalist d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131na entegrasyonuyla ger\u00e7ekle\u015febildi\u011fini savunmak ve bug\u00fcn \u00c7in\u2019in siyasal iktisadi y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinin \u2018neo-liberal\u2019 birikim modelinin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tehdit eden \u00e7eli\u015fkileri \u015fiddetlendirdi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektir.<\/p>\n \u00c7in\u2019in kapitalist pazara entegrasyonunun, d\u00fc\u015fen kar hadlerini dengelemede iki temel i\u015flevinin oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Birincisi, gerek \u015fehirlerde gerek de k\u0131rsal b\u00f6lgelerde kamusal m\u00fclkiyetin imha edilmesiyle do\u011fan i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc arz\u0131, \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00c7in\u2019e y\u00f6nelen sermaye i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir avantaj sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00fcvencesiz ve ucuza \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan i\u015f\u00e7iler uluslararas\u0131 \u015firketlerin \u00fcretim maliyetlerini do\u011frudan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca, \u00c7in\u2019deki \u00fccretlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sermayedarlar i\u00e7in di\u011fer \u00fclkelerde \u015fantaj malzemesi olmu\u015ftur. \u00dcretim faaliyetlerini \u00c7in\u2019e kayd\u0131rma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulan sermayedarlar, bu avantajlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi \u00fclkelerinde \u00fccretlerin bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kullanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130kincisi, \u00c7in\u2019in d\u00fcnyan\u0131n yeni at\u00f6lyesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi emperyal merkezlerdeki, bilhassa ABD\u2019deki finansalla\u015fma s\u00fcre\u00e7leri i\u00e7in kilit rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunu birbiriyle ilintili iki ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisinde t\u00fcm somutlu\u011fuyla g\u00f6rebiliriz. \u0130lk ili\u015fki ABD\u2019nin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00fccretlerini bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda tutarken, i\u00e7 talebi canl\u0131 tutabilmesinin temelidir. Amerikan emperyalizmi merkez \u00fcss\u00fcnde, yani ABD\u2019de \u00fcretken tesislerini birbir imha ederken, \u00fcretken sermayesini yo\u011fun olarak yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na kayd\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu da i\u015fsizlik ve \u00fccretlerin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 getirmi\u015ftir. \u0130\u00e7 talep art\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ana belirleyeni olan \u00fccret art\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yoklu\u011funda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na sunulan kredi olanaklar\u0131 i\u015flevsel olmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 krediler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bor\u00e7land\u0131rmak hem asalak finans sistemini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmi\u015f, hem de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 mensuplar\u0131n\u0131n bireysel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 finansal d\u00fczenin selametine endekslemi\u015ftir. \u00c7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizmin ola\u011fan krizinin ABD\u2019deki g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc, i\u015fte bu koku\u015fmu\u015f d\u00fczene\u011fin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez hale gelmesidir.<\/p>\n \u0130kinci ili\u015fkisi ise, i\u00e7 talebini kar\u015f\u0131lamak i\u00e7in \u00c7in\u2019den yo\u011fun ithalata ba\u015flayan ABD\u2019nin (Bu temelde Amerikan sermayesi i\u00e7in, \u00c7in\u2019deki imalatta mevcut olan sermayesini Amerikan i\u00e7 pazar\u0131na bu \u015fekilde y\u00f6nlendirerek sermaye birikimi sa\u011flamas\u0131 demektir) giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyen ticaret a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00c7in taraf\u0131ndan finanse edilmesidir. Ticari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir haddi a\u015ft\u0131ktan sonra s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir hale gelmesi i\u00e7in finanse edilmesi gerekir. ABD\u2019nin a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n finansman\u0131 ise \u00c7in taraf\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130hracatlar\u0131ndan elde etti\u011fi d\u00f6vizleri yat\u0131r\u0131m ya da \u00fccret art\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak kendi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde de\u011ferlendirme se\u00e7ene\u011fi yerine (bu se\u00e7ene\u011fi se\u00e7mek \u00c7in\u2019in g\u00f6reli avantaj\u0131 olan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fcretim maliyeti se\u00e7ene\u011fini kaybetmesi manas\u0131na gelebilirdi), ABD h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin bast\u0131\u011f\u0131 bonolar\u0131 sat\u0131n al\u0131p, rezervlerine y\u0131\u011fmay\u0131 se\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Bu da Bretton Woods sistemi \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fckten sonra hi\u00e7bir metaya (\u00f6rne\u011fin alt\u0131na) dayal\u0131 olmay\u0131p uluslararas\u0131 para birimi olan Amerikan dolar\u0131n\u0131n hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 peki\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. \u00d6yle ki, dolar\u0131n selameti rezervlerine y\u0131\u011fd\u0131\u011f\u0131 dolarlarla sevi\u015fen \u00c7in h\u00fck\u00fcmeti i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli hale gelmi\u015ftir. Yani bir yanda diledi\u011finde para basan ABD, di\u011fer yanda bu paralar\u0131 topra\u011fa g\u00f6men \u00c7in! Krizle etrafa pisli\u011fi sa\u00e7\u0131lan bu ak\u0131llara ziyan sa\u00e7ma sistemdir i\u015fte. Tekrar etmek gerekirse, \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizmin efendisi Amerikan patronlar\u0131n\u0131n kar hadlerini yukar\u0131ya \u00e7ekebilmesinde \u00c7in\u2019in rol\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck olmu\u015ftur. Fakat tam da bu sefalette oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol \u00c7in\u2019i, kapitalizmin \u2018neo-liberal\u2019 birikim bi\u00e7iminin u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu krizle \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan ne gelece\u011fini belirleyecek g\u00fc\u00e7lerden biri haline getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz otuz y\u0131l\u0131n sorusu \u015fudur. Nas\u0131l bir kom\u00fcnist parti taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen \u00c7in kendisinden ba\u015fkas\u0131na hayr\u0131 dokunmayan Amerikan emperyalizmine boyun e\u011fer? Elbette, bu soruya cevap vermek i\u00e7in sadece \u00c7in\u2019deki kapitalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlere bakmak yetmez; bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn n\u00fcvelerini Mao zaman\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmelerde de aramak gerekir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Stalinist b\u00fcrokrasinin \u00c7in\u2019i emperyalizm ve ulusal burjuvazisi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yaln\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, \u00e7\u00f6kene kadar varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bile \u00c7in\u2019e Amerikan emperyalizmine kar\u015f\u0131 dayanak sa\u011flayan Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00f6nemi gibi sorular \u00f6nemlidir. Bu t\u00fcr sorularda daha fazla bilgi sahibi olmak isteyen okurlar\u0131m\u0131za yay\u0131n\u0131m\u0131z Ger\u00e7ek\u2019in uluslararas\u0131 yay\u0131nlar\u0131nda ve PGB Sosyalizm\u2019de daha \u00f6nce yay\u0131mlanan yaz\u0131lar\u0131 tavsiye ederiz. 5<\/a><\/sup> Yaz\u0131n\u0131n bu b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019deki Mao sonras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn ana hatlar\u0131n\u0131n betimlenmesine ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u00c7in\u2019in 1970\u2019lerin sonundan itibaren ba\u015flayan emperyalizme b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc entegrasyonu s\u00fcreci, b\u00fcrokrasinin i\u015f\u00e7i ve yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fc kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n ihanetiyle yerlebir edilmesi s\u00fcrecidir. T\u00fcm bu y\u0131k\u0131mlar\u0131 me\u015fru k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in ideolojik bir cihaza d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen \u201cMaoizm\u2019\u2019 (ya da \u2018\u2019sosyalizm\u2019\u2019) bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te halk\u0131n elinden \u00e7al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ihanet ve h\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ard\u0131ndan gelen \u2018\u2019a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u2019\u2019 ve \u2018\u2019ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcme\u2019\u2019, \u00c7in halk\u0131 i\u00e7in imha ve sefalet demek olmu\u015ftur. Fakat yaz\u0131n\u0131n sonunda a\u00e7\u0131klayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi \u00c7in halk\u0131 bu imhaya ve sefalete kar\u015f\u0131 sesini \u00e7\u0131kartmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f; kendilerini emperyalizme yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131rtmaya yarayacak ciklet markas\u0131na d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fclmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan sosyalizmi, ger\u00e7ek \u015fekliyle yeniden sahiplenme m\u00fccadelesine ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eimdi mesele bu m\u00fccadeleye y\u00f6n verip, onu b\u00fcrokratik kast\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fctecek do\u011fru s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6nderli\u011fini in\u015fa etmektir.<\/p>\n \u00c7in\u2019in kapitalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc Maoizm\u2019in reel olarak biti\u015fiyle ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Maoizmin biti\u015fi ise Mao\u2019nun 1976 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00f6lmesiyle… 1978 Aral\u0131k\u2019\u0131nda 11. \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi (\u00c7KP) Merkez Komitesi, Deng Xiaoping \u00f6nderli\u011finde \u2018\u2019sosyalist modernizayon\u2019\u2019 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda planl\u0131 ekonomiyle piyasa ekonomisinin birlikte uygulanmas\u0131 karar\u0131n\u0131 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1979 y\u0131l\u0131yla birlikte d\u0131\u015f ticaret ve finans\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engeller kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6zel iktisadi sahalar kurulup yabanc\u0131 sermayenin \u00fclkeye penetrasyonu sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yine bu y\u0131l ABD ile diplomatik ili\u015fkilerin yeniden kurulmas\u0131 elbette tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. 1984 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki 12. Kongre\u2019yle ad\u0131na \u201cplanl\u0131 meta ekonomisi\u2019\u2019 denilen kapitalizmin derinle\u015fme s\u00fcreci ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kamuya ait \u015firketler kendi finansmanlar\u0131ndan sorumlu tutularak, kar odakl\u0131 faaliyet yapan i\u015fletmelere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ayr\u0131ca, k\u0131rsal kesimlerde tamamen piyasa \u015fartlar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00fcretim yapan Kasaba-K\u00f6y-\u0130\u015fletmeleri kurulmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Topraks\u0131zla\u015fan k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri emip inan\u0131lmaz s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran bu i\u015fletmeler, k\u0131rsal\u0131 bilhassa kom\u015fu \u00fclkelerin sermayesine a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemde, yabanc\u0131 sermayeye uygulanan milli sermayeyle ortakl\u0131k kurma zorunlulu\u011fu kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, yabanc\u0131 sermayenin do\u011frudan penetrasyonunun \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1992\u2019deki 14. Kongre\u2019yle, \u201csosyalist piyasa ekonomisi\u2019\u2019 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f b\u00fcrokrasinin kapitalistle\u015fme s\u00fcreci h\u0131zlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Parti ldierleri ve partiye yak\u0131n olan se\u00e7kinler, bir bir patronla\u015fmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. \u00c7KP i\u00e7inde g\u00fc\u00e7lenen patron-b\u00fcrokratlar, 1994\u2019de \u0130\u015f Yasas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131rabilmi\u015flerdir. Bu i\u015f yasas\u0131 sayesinde, ideolojik yav\u015fakl\u0131kla \u201cdemir kase\u2019\u2019 dedikleri g\u00fcvenceli i\u015fleri imha edebilmi\u015flerdir. \u00c7KP\u2019nin patronla\u015fmas\u0131 2002\u2019deki 16. Kongreyle yeni bir ivme kazanm\u0131\u015f, \u201c\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc temsil\u2019\u2019 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda patronlar\u0131n partiye giri\u015fi desteklenmeye ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eimdi partinin i\u00e7inde iki b\u00fcrokratik kast bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bir tarafta, toplumsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n giderilmesini \u00f6nemseyenler (ve en az\u0131ndan \u00f6nemsiyor g\u00f6z\u00fckmenin \u00f6nemine inananlar) ile patronluk d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir i\u015f yapmam\u0131\u015f, \u015firket karlar\u0131n\u0131n tek gaye oldu\u011funu savunan Asya-tipi-yuppiler… Yeni d\u00f6nemde bu taraflar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin \u015fiddeti ve sonucunda \u00e7\u0131kacak y\u00f6nelimi elbette s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi belirleyecektir.<\/p>\n Ne olursa olsun \u00c7KP\u2019nin kapitalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm yolunda Maoizmi ve sosyalizmi ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 p\u00fcr\u00fczs\u00fcz olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eu an bile Mao imgesinde v\u00fccutla\u015fan bir ideolojik m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fcmektedir. Bir u\u00e7ta, yanki ve yuppilerin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Hitlervari Mao imgesi \u00c7in toplumu i\u00e7inde bile al\u0131c\u0131 bulurken; di\u011fer u\u00e7ta, Mao imgesini devrimci bir imge olarak g\u00f6ren, b\u00fcrokratik kasta, \u201chani siz kom\u00fcnisttiniz, bu nas\u0131l kom\u00fcnistlik\u2019\u2019 demek i\u00e7in bunu kullanan m\u00fccadeleler ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu m\u00fccadeleler ge\u00e7mi\u015f sosyalist m\u00fccadele hat\u0131ralar\u0131n\u0131 taze tutmakta, devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7in en az\u0131ndan ideolojik bir dayana\u011f\u0131 muhafaza etmektedirler.<\/p>\n Bu kurumsal ve ideolojik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmden (ve bu alandaki m\u00fccadelelerden) bizce daha da \u00f6nemlisi \u00c7in\u2019in sanayile\u015fmesi ve sanayile\u015fmenin merkezinde yer alan topraks\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rma s\u00fcre\u00e7leridir. Zira bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ler mevcut \u00c7in proleteryas\u0131n\u0131n yeni olu\u015fumunu \u015fekillendirmi\u015ftir; bunlar\u0131n dikkatli tahlili \u00c7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri g\u00f6rebilmeyi ve ayr\u0131ca do\u011fan \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in ne gibi a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlar sundu\u011funu tespit edebilmeyi sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn \u00c7in\u2019deki sanayi dursa, d\u00fcnya sistemi \u00e7\u00f6ker. \u00c7in\u2019deki sanayi ise toprak meselesiyle g\u00f6bekten ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6yle ki, topra\u011f\u0131n yeniden da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131 ve kolektif m\u00fclkiyeti \u00c7KP\u2019nin 1949\u2019da iktidara gelmesi i\u00e7in kilit rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, bu y\u00fczden hala \u00c7KP\u2019nin me\u015fruiyeti i\u00e7in hassas bir konudur. Ayr\u0131ca geni\u015f topraklara yay\u0131lan \u00c7in halk\u0131 i\u00e7in k\u0131rsal halen merkezidir, kurakl\u0131kla gelen toplu \u00f6l\u00fcmlerin haf\u0131zas\u0131 tazedir. \u00c7KP\u2019nin emperyalizme hizmet edecek \u015fekilde toprak sorununa dair att\u0131\u011f\u0131 her ad\u0131m, k\u0131sa vadede toplumsal me\u015fruiyetini sarsacak, daha uzun vadede ise kurakl\u0131k, a\u00e7l\u0131k ve toplu \u00f6l\u00fcm ihtimallerini artt\u0131racakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Topra\u011f\u0131n kolektif m\u00fclkiyetinin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na Hanehalk\u0131 Sorumluluk Sistemi ile 1980\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015f; 1986\u2019da y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe girip, 1999\u2019da revize edilen Toprak \u0130dare Kanunu ile toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin yasal hakk\u0131 kolektif iktisadi te\u015fkilat\u0131na (jiti jingji zuzhi), idare hakk\u0131 ise k\u00f6yl\u00fc kolektiflerine (nongmin jiti), k\u00f6y komitesine (cunmin weiyuanhui) ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler grubuna (cunmin xiaozu) verilmi\u015ftir. Topra\u011f\u0131n idaresindeki bu \u00e7ok ba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirsizliklerden de yararlanan yerel b\u00fcrokratlar, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ellerinden topraklar\u0131n\u0131 yok pahas\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f ve onlar\u0131 ya k\u00f6ylerinin \u00e7evrelerindeki ya da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehirlerdeki fabrikalara s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015flerdir. Ayr\u0131ca hem tar\u0131m\u0131n kapitalistle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde (bilhassa ad\u0131na agribusiness dedikleri sekt\u00f6rdeki i\u015fletmeler eliyle) hem de y\u00fcksek sanayile\u015fme h\u0131z\u0131yla b\u00fcy\u00fcy\u00fcp k\u0131rsaldaki topraklar\u0131 i\u00e7ine alan \u015fehirle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde k\u00f6yl\u00fcler topraklar\u0131n\u0131 birbir b\u00fcrokrat a\u011falara ve b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketlere kapt\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Topraks\u0131zla\u015fman\u0131n me\u015fruiyetini sarstt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00c7KP\u2019nin ise buna cevab\u0131 2002\u2019de y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe giren K\u0131rsal Toprak Kanunu ile bir toprak piyasas\u0131 olu\u015fturmak ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclere topraklar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cpiyasa de\u011ferinde\u2019\u2019 satma \u201cf\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131\u2019\u2019 vermek olmu\u015ftur. Elbette ard\u0131ndan gelen s\u00fcre\u00e7, piyasala\u015fman\u0131n halk i\u00e7in kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fme ve proleterle\u015fme s\u00fcrecidir.<\/p>\n \u00c7in\u2019in 1970\u2019lerin sonunda ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapitalist sanayile\u015fme stratejisinin iki boyutu vard\u0131r. Bir yanda topra\u011f\u0131n g\u00f6rece ucuz oldu\u011fu kasaba ve k\u00f6ylerde, topraks\u0131zla\u015fan k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc oranlar\u0131yla \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in emen, bu sayede ithalata d\u00f6n\u00fck ucuz mallar \u00fcreten i\u015fletmelere yol verilmesi… Di\u011fer yanda kamuya ait fabrikalar\u0131n \u00f6nemli k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n kapat\u0131larak, i\u00e7lerinden \u2018\u201cilli Tak\u0131m\u2019\u2019a se\u00e7ilenlerin muhafaza edilmesi, piyasa \u015fartlar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00fcretim yapan (i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccret ve kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0131rpanlayan) bu \u015firketlere finansman kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 (halk\u0131n kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015fke\u015f \u00e7ekilmesi)…<\/p>\n Kamuya ait fabrikalar\u0131n kapat\u0131lma s\u00fcreci ise d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ders niteli\u011findedir. Kamu i\u015f\u00e7ileri dawai denilen \u00fcretim ve ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131n kayna\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 birimlerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlarken; yeri geldi\u011finde iki i\u015fte \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak daha fazla para kazanma \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u2019\u2019, yeri geldi\u011finde kendi m\u00fclk\u00fcn\u00fc edinebilme vaatleriyle kand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015flar, olmad\u0131 devlet \u015fiddetiyle kazan\u0131mlar\u0131ndan mahrum b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015flar; dawai\u2019leri par\u00e7alanan i\u015f\u00e7iler \u201cemek piyasas\u0131n\u0131n\u2019\u2019 i\u00e7ine at\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u015f sahas\u0131 etraf\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen birimlerin (sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim..) bir bir kapat\u0131lmas\u0131; i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birlikte ya\u015famaktan gelen ortak al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal aidiyetlerinin kopar\u0131lmas\u0131 demek olmu\u015ftur. Bu b\u00fcy\u00fck toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ayn\u0131 zamanda sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu \u201cbireysel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131\u2019\u2019 da yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn. \u0130\u015fi ve evi aras\u0131nda 2 dakika olan, g\u00fcnl\u00fck al\u0131\u015fveri\u015fine, sa\u011fl\u0131k oca\u011f\u0131na, okuluna y\u00fcr\u00fcyerek gidebilen i\u015f\u00e7iler ve aileleri neden otomobile ihtiya\u00e7 duysun? \u00c7in sermayesinin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi ve yabanc\u0131 sermayenin \u00fclkeye dalmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kilit sekt\u00f6rlerden biri olan otomotiv sanayi b\u00f6yle bir ortamda nas\u0131l b\u00fcy\u00fcyebilir? \u0130\u015fte \u00c7in\u2019deki \u00fcretim odakl\u0131 toplumsal sistemin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131, kapitalizme \u00f6zg\u00fc bireysel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece, sadece \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n imhas\u0131 ya da sermayenin ellerine b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131yla de\u011fil, \u00fcretim etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenen toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n radikal \u015fekilde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclerek sermayeye uygun bir ya\u015fam tarz\u0131 yerle\u015ftirilmesiyle \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizm i\u00e7selle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Bu ikili sanayi stratejisiyle do\u011fan yeni i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla Mao zaman\u0131ndaki \u00c7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tecr\u00fcbeleri aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck farklar vard\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 zamanda mevcut i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kompozisyonu, \u00e7oklu sanayile\u015fme ve \u00e7ok evreli topraks\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rma s\u00fcre\u00e7leri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden heterojenle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bu b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fcnyan\u0131n i\u00e7inde iki i\u015f\u00e7i tipi yayg\u0131nd\u0131r. Bir yanda deneyimsiz, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz, g\u00fcvencesiz g\u00f6\u00e7men ya da k\u0131rda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ya da k\u0131rdan kente yak\u0131n zamanda g\u00f6\u00e7 etmi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7iler, di\u011fer tarafta en iyi ihtimalle Kom\u00fcnist Parti\u2019nin bir aparat\u0131 olan sendikada (T\u00fcm-\u00c7in Sendika Konfederasyonu) \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc, r\u0131zalar\u0131 kom\u00fcnist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmden kar edecekleri vaadiyle al\u0131nan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131… \u00c7in ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctsel mesele, bu farkl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fclerini s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6z temelinde biraraya getirmektir. Daha \u00f6nce yay\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131zda aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Honda i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin grevi \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7iler deneyim kazanmaktad\u0131rlar, sendikalar\u0131na a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan tazyik uygulamaktad\u0131rlar. Benzer \u015fekilde kapitalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerini ya\u015fayan g\u00f6rece g\u00fcvenceli ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc kesim de art\u0131k ba\u015fkald\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bu ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de dikkatle izlenmeli, \u00c7in\u2019li i\u015f\u00e7ilerle ba\u011flant\u0131lar kurulup, deneyim aktar\u0131m\u0131 yap\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. IV. Enternasyonal bu s\u00fcreci ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesinin insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 barbarl\u0131ktan kurtarabilecek tek g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funu savunan t\u00fcm T\u00fcrkiye sosyalistlerini de bu s\u00fcrece davet etmektedir.<\/p>\n Neo-liberal birikim s\u00fcrecinin sonunu getirecek emperyalizmin bu krizi \u00c7in\u2019in i\u00e7sel dinamikleri; \u00c7in\u2019deki dinamikler emperyalizmin gelece\u011fini nas\u0131l etkileyecektir?<\/p>\n Birincisi, \u00c7in\u2019in ihracat\u0131n\u0131 emen ABD\u2019de finansal sistemin \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na daha fazla bor\u00e7 verilememesi ve Avrupa\u2019da mali krizlerin \u201ctasarruf tedbirleri\u2019\u2019 ile a\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 sonucunda talep d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. \u00c7in\u2019in bu y\u00fczden alternatif piyasalara y\u00f6nelmesi ya da i\u00e7 pazar\u0131na \u00fcretim yapmas\u0131 gerekmektedir. \u0130\u00e7 pazar i\u00e7in \u00fcretim yapmak i\u00e7inse i\u00e7 talebin artt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekir, bunun i\u00e7inse i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccretlerinin artmas\u0131. Uluslararas\u0131 \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc raporuna 6<\/a><\/sup> g\u00f6re \u00c7in\u2019de ve Asya b\u00f6lgesinde reel \u00fccretlerde art\u0131\u015f ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fakat \u00fccret art\u0131\u015flar\u0131 patronlar\u0131n kar hadlerinin d\u00fc\u015fmesi anlam\u0131na gelmektedir; rekabet edebilmek i\u00e7in ucuz \u00fcretim maliyetlerine yaslanan patronlar i\u00e7in \u00fccret art\u0131\u015f\u0131 rekabet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn azalmas\u0131 demek olacakt\u0131r. \u00c7in\u2019de \u00fcretim yapan uluslararas\u0131 \u015firketler ve \u00c7inli patronlar\u0131n bu s\u00fcrece kolayl\u0131kla m\u00fcsade etmesi beklenemez. K\u0131sacas\u0131, emperyalist kapitalizmin i\u00e7sel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden biri daha g\u00fcny\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Emperyalizmin bu i\u00e7sel \u00e7eli\u015fkisinden otomatik olarak devrimci bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmaz. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u00c7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 da Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na benzer \u015fekilde (ama \u00e7ok daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck boyutlarda) \u00fccret art\u0131\u015f\u0131 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n finansal sistemin i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekilebilir, bor\u00e7lu t\u00fcketicilere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclebilirler. Ya da \u00fccret talepleri, bu taleplerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal zeminini oyacak \u015fekilde t\u00fcketim ideolojisi ile birle\u015ftirilebilir; \u00fccret art\u0131\u015flar\u0131 kamusal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na de\u011fil, suni ihtiya\u00e7 \u00fcretimine tabi k\u0131l\u0131nabilir. Bunun \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ebilmek i\u00e7in devrimci talepler sistemi geli\u015ftirilmeli, \u00fccret taleplerinin devrimci taleplere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in programatik ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130kincisi, \u00c7in miktar\u0131 iki bu\u00e7uk trilyon dolara dayanan dolar rezervlerini sermaye ihrac\u0131na y\u00f6nlendirmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Zaten G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya\u2019ya, Afrika\u2019ya, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n baz\u0131 kesimlerine vs. sermaye ihra\u00e7 etmektedir. Artan \u015fekilde Avrupa\u2019daki dengesizlikleri kullanmak istemektedir. Avrupa\u2019daki merkez \u00fclkeleri ve \u00e7evre \u00fclkeleri aras\u0131ndaki sistemik adaletsizlik s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez hale gelmi\u015ftir, AB par\u00e7alanmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in\u2019in Avrupa-i\u00e7i ekonomik ili\u015fkilere eklemlenme s\u00fcreci dikkatle izlenmelidir. Zira AB\u2019nin par\u00e7alanma s\u00fcreci i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6nderli\u011fi krizindeki Avrupa\u2019da sa\u011f\u0131 kuvvetlendirmektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin ticaret fazlas\u0131 veren Almanya\u2019daki i\u015f\u00e7iler ekonomilerinin k\u00f6t\u00fcye gitmesinden Yunan i\u015f\u00e7ileri sorumlu tutabilmektedirler. \u00c7in\u2019in Avrupa\u2019daki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 saflar\u0131nda yaratabilece\u011fi milliyet\u00e7i reflekslerin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mek i\u00e7in Avrupa ve \u00c7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aras\u0131nda ba\u011flar\u0131n kuvvetlendirilmesi gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, yak\u0131n vadede Amerikan emperyalizminin \u201c\u00c7in emperyalizmi\u2019\u2019 ile ikamesinden bahsedilemez. Zira ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fc azalsa da ABD\u2019nin askeri g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019inkinden \u00e7ok daha fazlad\u0131r. Fakat, sermaye ihrac\u0131 s\u00fcrecini h\u0131zland\u0131ran \u00c7in ile mevcut emperyal merkezler aras\u0131nda stratejik \u00e7eki\u015fmelerin olmas\u0131 beklenebilir. Bu \u00e7eki\u015fmelere ABD\u2019nin verece\u011fi cevap siyasi kaoslar yarat\u0131p jeo-politik g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ve askeri harcamayla ekonomisini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak olacakt\u0131r. Bu noktada bilhassa T\u00fcrkiyeli sosyalistlerin dikkatle incelemesi gereken geli\u015fmeler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ve \u00c7in\u2019in Afrika ve Orta Do\u011fu b\u00f6lgesindeki ekonomik varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rma s\u00fcre\u00e7leriyle Amerikan emperyalizminin ili\u015fkisidir.<\/p>\n Bu say\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 okumak i\u00e7in t\u0131klay\u0131n<\/a>.<\/p><\/div>\n — Yasin KAYA<\/p>\n Bat\u0131 kapitalizminin kal\u0131t\u0131msal \u201c\u00c7in istilas\u0131\u2019\u2019 korkusu yeni bir boyut kazan\u0131yor. Art\u0131k korkulan sadece \u201cd\u00fcnyan\u0131n at\u00f6lyesi\u2019\u2019 olan \u00c7in\u2019de \u00fcretilen ucuz mallar\u0131n d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmesi de\u011fil. \u201cKur sava\u015flar\u0131\u2019\u2019 denilen s\u00fcre\u00e7te ABD\u2019nin para kurunu y\u00fckseltmesi i\u00e7in \u00c7in\u2019e yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131lara ve \u00c7in\u2019in ABD\u2019ye \u201cas\u0131l sen dolar arz\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rmay\u0131 durdur\u2019\u2019 demesine tan\u0131k oluyoruz. \u00c7in Merkezi ba\u015fkan\u0131 Zhou Xiaochuan\u2019\u0131n ge\u00e7en y\u0131l s\u00f6yledi\u011fi Amerikan dolar\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 para sistemini reforme etme \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131,{footnote}Zhou Xiaochuan, \u201cReform the International Monetary System\u201d, 23 Mart 2009, . bu y\u0131l daha fazla tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya ve daha \u00e7ok endi\u015fe uyand\u0131rmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. \u00c7in d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ihracat\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 haline gelirken, en b\u00fcy\u00fck ticaret ortaklar\u0131 ABD ve AB\u2019de taleplerin d\u00fc\u015fmesi y\u00fcz\u00fcnden alternatif pazarlar ar\u0131yor. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Afrika \u00fclkeleriyle ekonomik ili\u015fkilerini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren \u00c7in, Do\u011fu Avrupa ve \u00e7evresindeki b\u00f6lgelere a\u00e7\u0131lmak i\u00e7in Yunanistan\u2019da yeni liman sat\u0131n al\u0131yor; AB\u2019nin ba\u015f\u0131 beladaki di\u011fer \u00fclkeleri Portekiz, \u0130rlanda ve \u0130spanya\u2019ya b\u00fcy\u00fck yat\u0131r\u0131mlar yap\u0131yor, bunlara AB\u2019nin ya da \u0130MF\u2019nin vedi\u011finden daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 sunmay\u0131 vaad ediyor;\tG\u00f6k\u00e7e, Deniz. \u201c\u00c7in, Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 sat\u0131n al\u0131yor\u201d, Ak\u015fam<\/em>, 22 Aral\u0131k 2010. \u201c\u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131\u2019\u2019 ile m\u00fcnasebetlerini art\u0131r\u0131yor.\t\u201c\u0130slam D\u00fcnyas\u0131 ile \u00c7in Aras\u0131nda Yeni D\u00f6nem\u201d, Haber 7<\/em>, 18 Aral\u0131k 2010, http:\/\/www.haber7.com\/haber\/20101218\/Islam-dunyasi-ile-Cin-arasinda-yeni-donem.php.{\/footnote}<\/p>\n \n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-240","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-43-say-ubat-2011"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/240","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=240"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/240\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":906,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/240\/revisions\/906"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=240"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=240"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=240"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Emperyalizm ve \u00c7in<\/h1>\n
\u00c7in\u2019le Kapitalizm<\/h1>\n
\u00c7in\u2019in Kapitalist D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc<\/h1>\n
Kurumsal ve \u0130deolojik \u0130hanet<\/h2>\n
Toprak Sorunu<\/h2>\n
\u00a0Sanayi Proletaryas\u0131<\/h2>\n
Trendler ve Olas\u0131l\u0131klar<\/h1>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/02\/43subat-2011-650x1024.jpg\")
<\/a>