{"id":72,"date":"2011-02-08T05:25:13","date_gmt":"2011-02-08T05:25:13","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/?p=72"},"modified":"2014-02-05T23:39:41","modified_gmt":"2014-02-05T21:39:41","slug":"siyasal-slam-karsnda-kadnlar-guelnur-savran","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/?p=72","title":{"rendered":"Siyasal \u0130slam kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kad\u0131nlar G\u00fclnur Savran"},"content":{"rendered":"

Dinlerin tarihini kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmesinin tarihi olarak da okumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00c7oktanr\u0131l\u0131 dinlerden tektanr\u0131l\u0131 dinlere ge\u00e7i\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda, ticaretin yayg\u0131n olarak geli\u015fti\u011fi, art\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve erkek egemenli\u011finin kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumlara ge\u00e7i\u015f demek. Ancak bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131, genel olarak dinler kar\u015f\u0131mda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n konumuna a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirmek, farkl\u0131 dinlerde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n tabiat\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcreten ve s\u00fcreklile\u015ftiren sembolleri yorumlamak de\u011fil. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n, \u00e7ok daha s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcl bir sorun etraf\u0131nda s\u00fcren bir tart\u0131\u015fmaya marksist ve feminist bir pozisyondan kat\u0131lman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde bir iddias\u0131 yok. Kast etti\u011fim sorun \u015fu: Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye’de (RP’nin iktidardan d\u00fc\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen) y\u00fckselen siyasal islama kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n nas\u0131l bir m\u00fccadele perspektifi benimsemeleri gerekiyor?<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Devletin ve hukukun \u0130slami ilkelere dayand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelen \u015feriat ya da siyasal \u0130slam, toplumun her alan\u0131n\u0131n, bu arada “\u00f6zel alan”m da \u0130slam\u0131n denetimi alt\u0131na girmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr. Kad\u0131nlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bunun kritik anlam\u0131, kamusal alanda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n nas\u0131l ve ne kadar yer alabileceklerinden ba\u015flayarak, \u00fcreme ve do\u011furganl\u0131\u011fa, anneli\u011fe, evlili\u011fe, akrabal\u0131k ili\u015fkilerine kadar, b\u00fct\u00fcn ili\u015fki ve davran\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imlerinin \u0130slami ilkelere g\u00f6re d\u00fczenlenmesidir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Kamusal ve \u00f6zel alanlar\u0131 denetlemeye talip olan bu ideolojinin hareket noktas\u0131 e\u015fitlik de\u011fil farkl\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130slam a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, kad\u0131nlarla erkekler yarad\u0131l\u0131\u015ftan farkl\u0131 ve birbirini tamamlayan varl\u0131klard\u0131r. \u0130slam\u0131n kamusal ve \u00f6zel alanlar\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen hukuku da ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak kendi “do\u011fal hukuk” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bir uzant\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r: Tanr\u0131 buyru\u011fuyla mutlakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan bu farkl\u0131l\u0131k ideolojisi, kamu hukukunda da \u00f6zel hukukta da kad\u0131nlarla erkeklerin hak ve \u00f6devlerini farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar. K\u0131sacas\u0131, anne ve e\u015f kimli\u011fine mahk\u00fbm edilmek, bo\u015fanma, miras, tan\u0131kl\u0131k, velayet vb. konularda erkeklerden farkl\u0131 bir stat\u00fcye lay\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fclmek kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bu ideoloji \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kolayca sorgulayabilecekleri \u015feyler de\u011fildir. \u00d6nc\u00fcl\u00fc e\u015fitlik de\u011fil de farkl\u0131l\u0131k olan ve bu \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fcn Tanr\u0131 kelam\u0131yla de\u011fi\u015fmez k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ideolojide, ezilenler taleplerini olsa olsa Tanr\u0131n\u0131n ve \/<\/span> ya da kendilerini ezenlerin inayetine dayand\u0131rabilirler. Bu mant\u0131kta toplumsal ili\u015fkiler e\u015fit haklar temelinde de\u011fil, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz\u00fc himaye etmesi, g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almas\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla d\u00fczenlenir. Nitekim \u0130slam’da \u00e7ok kar\u0131l\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve \u00f6rt\u00fcnmenin gerek\u00e7esi de bir yan\u0131yla bu himaye mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayan\u0131r: \u00c7ok kar\u0131l\u0131l\u0131k, ticaretin ve sava\u015f\u0131n (cihad\u0131n) temel ekonomik dinamikleri olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir toplumda, yaln\u0131zla\u015fan ve yoksulla\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n himaye alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 gere\u011finden kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz bunun daha derinde yatan as\u0131l anlam\u0131, “ezeli ve ebedi” erkek \u00e7oke\u015flili\u011finin me\u015fru bir kurumsal bi\u00e7ime b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fclmesidir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131larla Kemalistler aras\u0131ndaki iti\u015fmede kilit sembol haline gelmi\u015f olan “\u00f6rt\u00fcnme” de \u0130slam\u0131n kad\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik himayeci mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr. \u00c7ok do\u011fald\u0131r ki \u0130slam, erkek sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, erkeklerin egemen oldu\u011fu bir toplumda egemen olanlar\u0131n ezdiklerine kar\u015f\u0131 kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fiddet olarak yorumlamaz. Yine yarad\u0131l\u0131\u015f farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla tutarl\u0131 olarak, erkeklerin cinsel g\u00fcd\u00fclerinin denetlenemez oldu\u011funu var sayar ve bu sald\u0131rgan g\u00fc\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz olan\u0131 \u00f6rterek himaye etmeye soyunur. Asl\u0131nda soyut e\u015fitlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayal\u0131 liberal s\u00f6ylemden daha ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir tespittir bu: Erkekler ger\u00e7ekten de kad\u0131nlar\u0131 \u015fiddet tehdidiyle ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ne var ki, bunun temeli toplumsald\u0131r ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131n k\u0131s\u0131tlanmas\u0131ndan de\u011fil, erkek \u015fiddetinin cezai yapt\u0131r\u0131mlarla kenetlenmesinden ve giderek erkeklerin de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesinden ge\u00e7er.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6rt\u00fcnerek kamusal alana \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 talep eden kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bilincinde de benzer bir anlam\u0131 var \u00f6rt\u00fcnmenin. Bu kad\u0131nlar annelerinden farkl\u0131 olarak, yabanc\u0131 erkeklerin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 mekanlara, \u00f6zel alana hapsolmay\u0131 reddediyorlar. Kendilerini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131nda hissedecek bir bi\u00e7imde (\u00f6rt\u00fcnerek) kamusal alana, e\u011fitime, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hayat\u0131na, siyasete kat\u0131lmak istiyorlar. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da, kendi a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131ndan \u00f6rt\u00fcnmenin bir g\u00fcvence, kamusal alana \u00e7\u0131kman\u0131n da bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar. Ne var ki, bu s\u00f6ylemin bir yan\u0131lsamay\u0131 ifade etti\u011fi, bu \u00f6znel bilincin ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi yans\u0131tmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Erkek \u015fiddetinin kendisini sorgulamadan, bu \u015fiddet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yine erkek egemenli\u011fiyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ferek kendini savunman\u0131n ad\u0131 hi\u00e7bir ko\u015ful alt\u0131nda “\u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme” olamaz.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00d6te yandan, \u00f6rt\u00fcnmeyi salt bir “kad\u0131n talebi” olarak g\u00f6rmek de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. \u00d6rt\u00fcnerek kamusal alana \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f kad\u0131n kimli\u011fi bug\u00fcn siyasal \u0130slam a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir simge1<\/sup>: Kamusal alanda \u0130slam\u0131n (ve siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn) g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelmesinin bir arac\u0131 asl\u0131nda \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar. “\u00d6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme” s\u00f6ylemiyle bu kad\u0131nlar kendilerinin simge olarak kullan\u0131lmalar\u0131na onay vermi\u015f oluyorlar.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar\u0131n simge olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli a\u015famalarda kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131na dikilen engellerle kan\u0131tland\u0131: Refah Partisini yerel y\u00f6netimlere ta\u015f\u0131yan kad\u0131nlar se\u00e7imlerden sonra evlerine g\u00f6nderildiler. Genel se\u00e7imlerde ise, k\u0131smen Refah’\u0131n o d\u00f6nem yaymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 “modemlik” imgesine halel gelmesin diye k\u0131smen de RP’nin devletle erken bir y\u00fczle\u015fmeye haz\u0131r olmamas\u0131ndan bu kez de Meclis kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutuldu t\u00fcrbanl\u0131 kad\u0131nlar. Kendi \u00f6znel bilin\u00e7leri ne olursa olsun, \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u0130slamc\u0131 erkekler taraf\u0131ndan iki y\u00fczl\u00fcce kullan\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131na ili\u015fkin ba\u015fka olgular da saymak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Ama bu, o kad\u0131nlara kar\u015f\u0131 bizim tavr\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 do\u011frudan belirlememesi gereken bir \u015fey.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Evet, bu “yanl\u0131\u015f bilin\u00e7” kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bizim politik tavr\u0131m\u0131z ne olacak, ne olmal\u0131? Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, k\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131yafet konusunda yasak\u00e7\u0131 bir mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n sosyalistler ve \/<\/span> ya da feministler olarak kendi tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zla ba\u011fda\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k. Ancak bunun da \u00f6tesinde, yasak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n pragmatik olarak da bir i\u015fe yaramad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 herkesin \u00e7oktan g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131 gerekir. Bug\u00fcn \u00f6rt\u00fcnme bir simge de\u011feri ta\u015f\u0131yorsa, bunun nedeni k\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131yafet konusunda bug\u00fcne kadar kamu kesiminde uygulanan yasaklar, k\u0131s\u0131tlamalard\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, k\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131yafet konusunda yasak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, kamusal alana rahat\u00e7a \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131 zaten bindir nedenle engellenen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bir kesimine ek bir engel getirmek olacakt\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, siyasal \u0130slam yanda\u015f\u0131 bir erkek rahatl\u0131kla avukatl\u0131k, yarg\u0131\u00e7l\u0131k yapabilirken, kad\u0131n oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in (yani erkek egemenli\u011finin dinsel bi\u00e7imleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden) belli bir k\u0131l\u0131\u011fa b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fclen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n belli alanlardan d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunmak demektir bu. Bir kad\u0131n kesimini bir kez daha evlere hapsolmaya mahkum edip, onlar\u0131n \u00fczerindeki cinsiyet\u00e7i bask\u0131n\u0131n artmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7makt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kamusal alanda yer almalar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda s\u00fcren tart\u0131\u015fma asl\u0131nda \u00e7ok katmanl\u0131. E\u011fitim alan\u0131 i\u00e7in farkl\u0131 gerek\u00e7elerle (\u00f6\u011frencilere “k\u00f6t\u00fc \u00f6rnek” olmak) kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131l\u0131yor bu kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma haklar\u0131na, hukuk alan\u0131 i\u00e7in farkl\u0131, hekimlik i\u00e7in farkl\u0131.. Dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurmas\u0131 ve liberal bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla marksist ve feminist bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavramla\u015ft\u0131rmada anlaml\u0131 ip u\u00e7lar\u0131 sunmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar\u0131n yarg\u0131\u00e7l\u0131k yapmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fckseltilen itiraza k\u0131saca de\u011finmek istiyorum.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Deniyor ki, “devletin ve hukukun tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n simgesi” say\u0131labilecek yarg\u0131\u00e7l\u0131k gibi mesleklerde bu tarafs\u0131zl\u0131k ilkesinden hi\u00e7bir taviz verilemez. Oysa m\u00fcsl\u00fcman veya inan\u00e7l\u0131 olmayan ya da m\u00fcsl\u00fcman olup siyasal \u0130slama muhalif olan bir ki\u015fi \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc bir yarg\u0131\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tarafs\u0131z bir mahkemede duyaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcveni duyamaz. Hele hele m\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131kta kad\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kad\u0131nlara kapal\u0131 tutuldu\u011fu g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in bu hakk\u0131 talep etmek siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n d\u00fcped\u00fcz bir sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Bir defa \u0130slam\u0131n kad\u0131nlara yasaklad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyler konusunda, siyasi \u0130slam\u0131n “takiyyelerini” te\u015fhir etmek amac\u0131yla bile olsa, \u0130slam\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesine at\u0131fta bulunarak kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne engeller \u00e7\u0131karman\u0131n bize d\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011fi kan\u0131s\u0131nday\u0131m. “Devletin ve hukukun tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131” meselesine gelince: Yarg\u0131\u00e7lar\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye’de giydikleri c\u00fcppelerin, \u0130ngiltere’de takt\u0131klar\u0131 peruklar\u0131n anlam\u0131 nedir asl\u0131nda? Mahkemelerin tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u0131, yoksa devletin ve adaletin “halk\u0131n” \u00fcst\u00fcnde bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak kutsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u0131? TBMM’de milletvekillerinin giydikleri koyu renk tak\u0131m elbiseler ve takt\u0131klar\u0131 kravatlar da birer sembol de\u011fil midir? \u0130slami k\u0131l\u0131klar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir ba\u015fka taraf\u0131n, devletin sembollerinin savunuculu\u011funu yapmak biz marksistlere, feministlere d\u00fc\u015fmez diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, devlet kurumlar\u0131 da dahil olmak \u00fczere, ergin<\/strong> say\u0131lan herkes i\u00e7in k\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131yafet konusunda tam bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc savunmak, b\u00fct\u00fcn<\/strong> kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in k\u0131yafet k\u0131s\u0131tlamas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak, devletin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n “namus ve iffetinin” bek\u00e7ili\u011fini yapmas\u0131na da anlaml\u0131 bir muhalefettir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Yasak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rne\u011fi de, zaman zaman, sadece imam nikah\u0131yla bir erkekle birlikte ya\u015fayan kad\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu kad\u0131nlar\u0131n cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 talep edilebiliyor. Bunun anlam\u0131 ise \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Zaten dinsel nikah ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n ma\u011fdur etti\u011fi bir kad\u0131n\u0131 bir kez daha ma\u011fdur etmek, bu arada, asl\u0131nda e\u015fitsiz2<\/sup><\/strong> bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme olan medeni nikah\u0131 y\u00fcceltmek.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ku\u015fkusuz, soyut da olsa, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde de olsa medeni nikah, e\u015fit yurtta\u015flar \u00e7er\u00e7evesine dayal\u0131 bir kurum oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde miras, bo\u015fanma, velayet vb. konularda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hak talep etmesine \u00e7ok daha fazla izin verir. O<\/span> zaman, medeni nikah\u0131n kad\u0131nlara sundu\u011fu g\u00f6reli kazan\u0131mlara sahip \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131z ama ufkumuzu bu kurumla s\u0131n\u0131rlamamam\u0131z gerekiyor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 nikah konusunda \u015f\u00f6yle somut bir talebe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebiliriz: Teke\u015fli olmak ve idari bir merciye bildirilmek ko\u015fuluyla, nikahl\u0131 nik\u00e2hs\u0131z<\/strong> b\u00fct\u00fcn birlikteliklerde kad\u0131nlar ve \u00e7ocuklar medeni nikah\u0131n sundu\u011fu haklardan yararlanabilmelidir. Bu, bir yandan medeni ya da dinsel nikah kurumunun zay\u0131flamas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelecektir, \u00f6te yandan da nikahl\u0131 olup olmamak ve nas\u0131l bir nikahla evlenildi\u011fi ki\u015filerin ahlaki ve dinsel inan\u00e7lar\u0131yla ilgili bir sorun d\u00fczeyine \u00e7ekilmi\u015f olacakt\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6rt\u00fcnmeyle ilgili bu g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131nda, yasak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7eli\u015fki yat\u0131yor. \u00d6rt\u00fcnmenin siyasalla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, simge haline geldi\u011fi bu durum asl\u0131nda bu kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kendi i\u00e7lerinde bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fareti:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bir yandan kamusal alana aktif olarak kat\u0131lma talebiyle \u201cgeleneksel olan\u201da kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor bu kad\u0131nlar. \u00d6te yandan da bunu \u00f6rt\u00fcnerek, yani “modern olan” kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geleneksel olana sahip \u00e7\u0131karak yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin onlar\u0131 erkek egemenli\u011fiyle y\u00fczle\u015fmeye, kendi evliliklerinde erkekleriyle s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmeye itmemesi \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7. Ne var ki, devletin bask\u0131c\u0131 uygulamalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda siyasi yolda\u015flar\u0131yla (erkekleriyle) kenetlenmeleri de do\u011fal3<\/sup><\/strong> Yasak\u00e7\u0131 uygulamalar kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00f6rt\u00fcnme siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn simgesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu kad\u0131nlar bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ya\u015fama imkan\u0131na kavu\u015facak. O<\/span> zaman siyasal \u0130slam projesinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na s\u0131\u011fmalar\u0131 belki de g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015fecek ..<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Kemalist kad\u0131nlar cephesinde \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlara kar\u015f\u0131 yasak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla el ele giden bir ba\u015fka yakla\u015f\u0131m da onlar\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamak, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck g\u00f6rmek. Oysa, “\u00e7a\u011fda\u015fl\u0131k” \/<\/span> gerilik, “ayd\u0131nl\u0131k’\/ karanl\u0131k gibi kat\u0131ks\u0131z bir ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n has kavramlar\u0131na dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc olmayan bizlerin “kurtulmu\u015f kad\u0131nlar” oldu\u011fumuz yan\u0131lsamas\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmek i\u015ften bile de\u011fil. Bu tuza\u011fa d\u00fc\u015fmemek i\u00e7in “\u00e7a\u011fda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n” biz \u00f6rt\u00fcnmeyen kad\u0131nlara neler vaat etti\u011fini hat\u0131rlamak gerekiyor; Medeni nikah, e\u011fitim ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma haklar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan erkeklerle ka\u011f\u0131t \u00fcst\u00fcnde e\u015fitlik, siyasete e\u015fit kat\u0131l\u0131m hakk\u0131, genel olarak kamusal alana \u00e7\u0131kma hakk\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekte neler ya\u015f\u0131yoruz peki? Medeni nikahl\u0131 kocalardan dayak, cinsel \u015fiddet; ev i\u00e7inde, mesaisi bile olmayan ve ad\u0131 konmam\u0131\u015f kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z emek; ev i\u00e7indeki, \u015fiddet yoluyla s\u00fcreklile\u015fmi\u015f bu g\u00fcvencesiz kad\u0131n i\u015flerine mahk\u00fbm olmak; siyasette yaln\u0131zca oy deposu olarak var olmak; o \u00e7ok s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen kamusal alanda, sokaklarda varolma hakk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 geceleri ya da erkeklerin tekelinde bulundurduklar\u0131 yerlerde kullanmaya kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u015fiddet tehdidi ya da do\u011frudan \u015fiddetle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze gelmek vb. vb.. Erkek egemenli\u011finin e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011fa dayal\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bi\u00e7iminin bize sunduklar\u0131 bunlar. Ku\u015fkusuz bu bi\u00e7imin son derece \u00f6nemli ve bizim i\u00e7in vazge\u00e7ilmez bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc var. O<\/span> da, e\u015fitlik s\u00f6yleminin bize, m\u00fccadele silahlar\u0131<\/strong> sunmu\u015f olmas\u0131. Bu silahlar, bizim yasal siyasal haklar\u0131m\u0131z. Bunun da \u00f6tesinde, e\u015fitlik s\u00f6ylemine dayanarak, soyut e\u015fitli\u011fi durum e\u015fitli\u011fine<\/strong> d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik talepler geli\u015ftirmek, \u00f6rne\u011fin kad\u0131nlar lehine ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k ilkesinin benimsenmesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmek olanakl\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Yine de b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, bizim kurtulmu\u015f, kendi eme\u011fine, bedenine, kimli\u011fine sahip \u00e7\u0131kan kad\u0131nlar; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ise cahil, geri, kimliksiz kad\u0131nlar oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Ancak erkek egemenli\u011finin bu \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f ve en sinsi, yan\u0131lsamalara en a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imine yaslanmak bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ko\u015fullarda \u00e7ok \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fil. Bu y\u00fczden, siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fine, a\u00e7\u0131k kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 “laik” kad\u0131nlar\u0131n geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi tepkiyi laiklik \/<\/span> laiklik kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekseninden \u00e7\u0131kartmak \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli. Bunun yolu, bu “\u00e7a\u011fda\u015f” (burjuva) d\u00fczenle eklemlenmi\u015f erkek egemenli\u011finin te\u015fhirinden, buna kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi b\u00fct\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in \u00f6rmekten ge\u00e7iyor. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, imam nikah\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karken, medeni kanunun, erke\u011fin aile reisli\u011fine dayal\u0131 t\u00fcm mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak, nikahs\u0131z birlikteliklerde kad\u0131n\u0131n yasal g\u00fcvencelere kavu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 savunmak; \u00f6rt\u00fcnmeye kar\u015f\u0131 ideolojik m\u00fccadele verirken, devlet kurumlar\u0131nda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n k\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131yafet y\u00f6netmelikleriyle k\u0131s\u0131tlanmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak; laik e\u011fitimi savunurken e\u011fitimde cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fe (ve \u015fovenizme) kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunurken, erkek \/<\/span> kad\u0131n i\u015fleri ayr\u0131m\u0131na, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli, g\u00fcvencesiz i\u015flere, kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 sekt\u00f6re mahkum edilmelerine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele vermek, kad\u0131n ve erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerin do\u011fum izni ve \u00e7ocuk bak\u0131m\u0131 imkanlar\u0131ndan yararlanmas\u0131n\u0131 talep etmek; tarikatlarda erkeklerin kad\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik cinsel istismar\u0131n\u0131, \u0130slam\u0131n \u00e7ok kar\u0131l\u0131l\u0131k kurumunu te\u015fhir ederken, bu istismar\u0131n ve \u00e7ok e\u015flili\u011fin metreslik gibi \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bi\u00e7imlerini de (ahlak\u00e7\u0131 olmayan ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131 g\u00f6zeten bir anlay\u0131\u015fla) g\u00fcndeme getirmek… B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, feminizmin ve marksizmin soyut e\u015fitli\u011fe dayal\u0131 yurtta\u015fl\u0131k \u00e7er\u00e7evesine y\u00f6neltti\u011fi ele\u015ftirinin sahiplenilmesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n kad\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik tehdidi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, k\u0131smen kendili\u011finden k\u0131smen de y\u00f6nlendirilmi\u015f bir refleksle soka\u011fa d\u00f6k\u00fclen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n tepkisini laiklik \/<\/span> laiklik kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekseninin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7ekebilmenin i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z somut siyasal konjonkt\u00fcr a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da yak\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6nemi var. Bu kutupla\u015fma bug\u00fcn bir ba\u015fka ikili\u011fin damgas\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yor, anlam\u0131n\u0131, rengini bir ba\u015fka ikilikten al\u0131yor: \u015eeriat\/askeri vesayet4<\/sup><\/strong> ikili\u011fi! Kad\u0131nlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u015feriat\u0131n m\u0131, \u015fovenizme militarizme dayal\u0131 bir devletin mi daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tehdit olu\u015fturdu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015ftan reddedip \u015funu belirtmekle yetineyim: Biz T\u00fcrkiyeli kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, \u015feriat\u0131n orduyla, darbeyle geldi\u011fi Pakistan, Banglade\u015f gibi \u00f6rneklere ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z yok. 12<\/span> Eyl\u00fcl darbesinin imamhatip okullar\u0131 ve zorunlu din dersleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kendisine bir yedek g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturdu\u011fu, sola kar\u015f\u0131 siyasalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir \u0130slam\u0131 pompalad\u0131\u011f\u0131 hepimizin bildi\u011fi bir \u015fey. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, yukar\u0131da s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fim \u015feriat-askeri vesayet ikili\u011finin asl\u0131nda bir ikilem olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m da biliyoruz.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu y\u00fczden de bizim i\u00e7in \u015fu anda daha anlaml\u0131 olabilecek \u00f6rnek, “hem darbe hem \u015feriat”\u0131n5<\/sup><\/strong> kad\u0131n- erkek herkesi k\u0131y\u0131ma u\u011fratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Cezayir. \u00ee\u015fin \u00fcrk\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fc yan\u0131, Cezayir’i bug\u00fcne getiren s\u00fcre\u00e7le T\u00fcrkiye’de ya\u015fanan s\u00fcre\u00e7 aras\u0131nda \u00e7ok fazla benzerlik olmas\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye’de ulusal kimlik olu\u015fturma ad\u0131na geli\u015ftirilen ve devletin dini denetlemesine dayal\u0131 bask\u0131c\u0131 laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, dinin S\u00fcnni \u0130slam bi\u00e7iminde tekle\u015ftirilmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Cezayir’de ise 1962’de Cezayir’in ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devlet olmas\u0131yla ba\u015fa ge\u00e7en ulusal Kurtulu\u015f Cephesinin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k” politikas\u0131, tarikatlara dayal\u0131 \u0130slam\u0131 Arapla\u015ft\u0131rarak tekle\u015ftirmi\u015fti. T\u00fcrkiye’de bunu izleyen s\u00fcre\u00e7, \u00e7e\u015fitli h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin ve 12<\/span> Eyl\u00fcl y\u00f6netiminin sola kar\u015f\u0131 S\u00fcnni \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeleriydi. Cezayir’de buna tekab\u00fcl eden bir politikay\u0131 da 19651980<\/span> d\u00f6neminde Bumedyen kendi y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 her t\u00fcr muhalefet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirerek izlemi\u015fti. Benzerlikler burada bitmiyor. Cezayir kad\u0131n hareketi, darbe \u00f6ncesinde, \u015feriat\/darbe ikili\u011fine hapsolup darbeye hay\u0131rhah bakan kad\u0131nlarla bu ikilemi reddeden kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda bir b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeye tan\u0131k oldu. T\u00fcrkiye’de de, Ankara’da yap\u0131lan “\u015eeriata Kar\u015f\u0131 Kad\u0131n Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc”ne b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kad\u0131n kitle<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

si kat\u0131l\u0131rken, pankartlar\u0131nda \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131nlara duydu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 dile getiren, kendini devlet kat\u0131nda me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00f6zel \u00f6zen g\u00f6steren bu y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fe bir \u00e7ok sosyalist ve feminist kad\u0131n destek vermedi.6<\/sup><\/strong><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse, siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n kad\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik olarak ve kad\u0131nlar \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc politikalara kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin hareket noktas\u0131, askeri vesayete, militarizme ve hatta erkek egemenli\u011finin daha “\u00e7a\u011fda\u015f” bi\u00e7imlerine s\u0131\u011f\u0131nman\u0131n reddi olmal\u0131. Bu m\u00fccadele perspektifi, \u00e7e\u015fitli kad\u0131n kesimlerinin erkek egemenli\u011fine, cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fe isyan\u0131n\u0131 birbirine eklemleyen b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir erkek egemenli\u011fi ele\u015ftirisinden beslenmeli.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Ancak bu kadar\u0131yla kal\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n belirledi\u011fi g\u00fcndem kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda savunmac\u0131 bir politikaya hapsolmu\u015f oluruz. Ayr\u0131ca, buraya kadar s\u00f6ylediklerim, siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n s\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapan e\u011fitimli, kentli bir kad\u0131n grubu i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli. Oysa siyasal \u0130slam\u0131n taban\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan, yoksulla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehirlerde atomize olmu\u015f ve bunlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda koca, cemaat g\u00fcvencesi arayan, \u0130slami topluluklar\u0131 bir dayan\u0131\u015fma a\u011f\u0131 olarak ya\u015fayan \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kad\u0131n kesimi var. Bu kad\u0131nlar\u0131n (ve bu erkeklerin) ise kimlik sorunu, geleneksel olanla olmayan aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki vb.’nin \u00e7ok daha berisinde, zorunlu g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn ve sald\u0131rgan liberal politikalar\u0131n parampar\u00e7a etti\u011fi hayatlar\u0131 var. Refah Partisinin taban\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan bu yoksullar ordusuna savunmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde bir alternatif sunmak bizi bekleyen en \u00f6nemli g\u00f6rev. Bunun yolunun bu insanlar arzs\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmekten ge\u00e7ti\u011fini, bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin \u00f6znesinin de \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve Dayan\u0131\u015fma Partili kad\u0131nlar ve erkekler olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemeye bile gerek yok…<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

*<\/span> E\u011fitimsen Kocaeli \u015fubesinin 15<\/span> Haziran 1997<\/span> tarihinde Kocaeli\u2019nde d\u00fczenledi\u011fi panelde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m konu\u015fman\u0131n geni\u015fletilmi\u015f hali.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

1<\/sup><\/strong>Ku\u015fkusuz kad\u0131nlar\u0131n simge olarak kullan\u0131lmalar\u0131 siyasal \u0130slama \u00f6zg\u00fc bir pratik de\u011fil. Erkek egemenli\u011finin k\u00f6kten sorgulanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasal projeler, bu arada Kemalizm de, kad\u0131nlar\u0131 bir simge olarak kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu konuda bkz. Aynur \u0130lyaso\u011flu, \u00d6rt\u00fcl\u00fc Kimlik,<\/strong> Metis Yay., 1994.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

2<\/span><\/sup><\/strong>G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde e\u015fit yurtta\u015flar aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan bir s\u00f6zle\u015fmedir nikah. Ancak cinsiyet\u00e7i i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fck\u00e7e bu ancak (en iyi durumda) soyut bir e\u015fitlik olacakt\u0131r. Zaten hukuk ve s\u00f6zle\u015fmeler e\u015fitsiz toplumsal durumlar\u0131 d\u00fczenleyen kurumlar de\u011fil midir?<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

3<\/span><\/sup><\/strong>RP’nin \u0130stanbul \u00eeli Han\u0131mlar Komisyonu ba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7imlerden sonra \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: “..<\/span> han\u0131mlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n adayl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koymalar\u0131 i\u00e7in hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok erken .. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc tesett\u00fcrl\u00fc olarak Meclise girdi\u011fimizde, bir davan\u0131n bayraktarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yapmakla birlikte..\u00a0 <\/span>oradaki milletvekillerini zor durumda b\u0131rakaca\u011f\u0131z.”<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

4<\/span><\/sup><\/strong>Darbe tan\u0131m\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na girmemek i\u00e7in bu daha kapsay\u0131c\u0131 ifadeyi tercih ettim.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

5<\/span><\/sup><\/strong>Bkz., Nesrin Tura, “Hem Darbe Hem \u015eeriat”, Pazartesi<\/strong> Dergisi, Say\u0131 27.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/sup><\/strong><\/p>\n

6<\/span><\/sup><\/strong>Bu y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fte, \u00fczerinde \u00e7arp\u0131 i\u015fareti olan bir \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc kad\u0131n pankart\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, Anayasa Mahkemesi Ba\u015fkan\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere \u00e7e\u015fitli devlet adamlar\u0131n\u0131 deste\u011fi sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Dinlerin tarihini kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmesinin tarihi olarak da okumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00c7oktanr\u0131l\u0131 dinlerden tektanr\u0131l\u0131 dinlere ge\u00e7i\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda, ticaretin yayg\u0131n olarak geli\u015fti\u011fi, art\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve erkek egemenli\u011finin kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumlara ge\u00e7i\u015f demek. Ancak bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131, genel olarak dinler kar\u015f\u0131mda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n konumuna a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirmek, farkl\u0131 dinlerde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n tabiat\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcreten ve s\u00fcreklile\u015ftiren sembolleri yorumlamak de\u011fil. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n, \u00e7ok […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[43],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-72","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-18-say"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=72"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":450,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/72\/revisions\/450"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=72"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=72"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=72"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}