{"id":77,"date":"2011-02-08T05:41:24","date_gmt":"2011-02-08T05:41:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/?p=77"},"modified":"2014-02-05T23:41:00","modified_gmt":"2014-02-05T21:41:00","slug":"tek-uelkede-sosyalizm-qteorisiq-aydn-ender","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/?p=77","title":{"rendered":"Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm “teorisi” Ayd\u0131n Ender"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sosyalizm tek bir \u00fclke \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilir mi? Bu <\/span>tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ilk ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 1920\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131ndan 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llara <\/span>kadar, d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketinin \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndakiler i\u00e7in bu sorunun yan\u0131t\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz bir \u201cevet\u201dti. De\u011fil mi ki <\/span>sosyalizm daha 30\u2019lu y\u0131llarda SSCB\u2019de tamamen kurulmu\u015f, II.D\u00fcnya <\/span>Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra ise ortaya koskocaman bir \u201csosyalist sistem\u201d \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131? Pratik bu sorunun yan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7oktan vermi\u015f ve esas tart\u0131\u015fma \u201c<\/span>kom\u00fcnizmin \u00fcst evresine\u201d ge\u00e7i\u015f konusuna kaym\u0131\u015ft\u0131…<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sosyalizmin tek bir \u00fclkede kurulabilece\u011fi doktrinini benimsemek, daha sonralar\u0131 ise sosyalizmin SSCB\u2019de bilfiil ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini savun\u00ad<\/span>mak, b\u00fct\u00fcn bir d\u00f6nem boyunca, kom\u00fcnist partilerine, Komintern\u2019e <\/span>(III.Enternasyonal) ve SSCB\u2019ye ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n temel kriteri olarak <\/span>de\u011ferlendirildi, bu anlamda Stalinist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin belki de en \u00f6nde gelen <\/span>ortak ideolojik \u00f6zelliklerinden birini olu\u015fturdu. Ba\u015fta Tro\u00e7ki ve Sol <\/span>Muhalefet olmak \u00fczere, bu anlay\u0131\u015fa ve bunun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde yol <\/span>a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lara kesin bir \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan sosyalistlerin neredeyse <\/span>t\u00fcm\u00fc Komintern partilerinin elinde a\u011f\u0131r su\u00e7lamalara u\u011frad\u0131lar ve <\/span>\u00f6rg\u00fctlerinden tasfiye edildiler, bir\u00e7o\u011fu tutukland\u0131 ya da s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc, <\/span>bir\u00e7o\u011fu ise katledildi<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tart\u0131\u015fma noktalanm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Ancak, Stalinizmin sosyalist <\/span>harekete empoze etmeyi ba\u015fard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn (daha. do\u011frusu <\/span>dogman\u0131n) \u00fcstesinden gelme zorunlulu\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin <\/span>g\u00fcndeminden hi\u00e7bir zaman d\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015ftir. Bir dizi a\u011f\u0131r yenilgiyi, pren\u00ad<\/span>sipsiz zigzaglar\u0131, III.Enternasyonal\u2019in ilkin politik iflas\u0131n\u0131 ard\u0131ndan da kapat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eren s\u00fcre\u00e7te, bu teorinin izini s\u00fcrmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr; ve <\/span>bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten, enternasyonalizm a\u011f\u0131r yara alarak \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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50\u2019li ve 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda, ayn\u0131 konunun, \u201csosyalist\u201d \u00fclkeler ba\u011flam\u0131nda <\/span>yeniden g\u00fcndeme gelmesinde rol\u00fc olan bir dizi etken say\u0131labilir. Bun\u00ad<\/span>lardan bir k\u0131sm\u0131, \u201csosyalist kamp\u201d i\u00e7inde ciddi politik ve ekonomik <\/span>sorunlar\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketine duyuran olaylard\u0131. 1953\u2019te Do\u011fu Almanya\u2019da, 1956\u2019da Macaristan\u2019da i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmalar\u0131, <\/span>1956\u2019da Kru\u015f\u00e7ev\u2019in 20. Kongre\u2019nin gizli bir oturumuna Stalin <\/span>d\u00f6neminde i\u015flenen su\u00e7lar \u00fczerine sundu\u011fu rapor, \u00f6zellikle de 1960\u2019da <\/span>patlak veren Sovyet-\u00c7in \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar Stalinizmin derin bir <\/span>krize girdi\u011fini, ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmekte oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyordu. Ayr\u0131ca, 60\u2019l\u0131 <\/span>y\u0131llardan ba\u015flayarak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda bir y\u00fckseli\u015f <\/span>d\u00f6nemine girmi\u015fti. Bu iki geli\u015fme e\u011filiminin (bir yanda \u201csosyalist <\/span>kamp\u201d\u0131n otoritesinin sars\u0131lmas\u0131, di\u011fer yanda ba\u015fta Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n olmak <\/span>\u00fczere i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendine olan g\u00fcvenini yeniden kazanmaya <\/span>ba\u015flamas\u0131) bir sonucu olarak, resmi kom\u00fcnist partilerin alt\u0131ndaki zemin kaymaya ba\u015flar; ve kom\u00fcnist partilerin i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00fczerindeki <\/span>politik hegemonyas\u0131 giderek zay\u0131flamaya y\u00fcz tutar. Bu partilerin <\/span>sosyalist devrimin arac\u0131 olamayacaklar\u0131 kavrand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, onlardan kopan ya da onlarla geleneksel hi\u00e7bir ba\u011f\u0131 olmayan yeni e\u011filim ve <\/span>ak\u0131mlar d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ve serpilmeye ba\u015flar. Keza, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin \u00f6nderli\u011finde kuruldu\u011fu 1938 y\u0131l\u0131ndan beri fazla bir etkinlik <\/span>sa\u011flayamayan IV.Enternasyonal de, bu tarihlerden ba\u015flayarak belirli <\/span>bir geli\u015fme g\u00f6stermeye, sesini ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini daha geni\u015f bir kitleye <\/span>duyurmaya ba\u015flar. Diyebiliriz ki, 60\u2019lar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda sosyalist hareket <\/span>(g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar s\u00fcregelecek olan) bir yeniden yap\u0131lanma s\u00fcrecine <\/span>girmi\u015f bulunuyordu<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Marksist teoriye ilginin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ortamda, o g\u00fcne <\/span>dek \u201csosyalist\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanan \u00fclkelerin, hangi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi temsil et\u00ad<\/span>tiklerinin sorgulanmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131. Stalinizmin kendi i\u00e7inde <\/span>g\u00fcndeme gelen bu sorgulama elbette \u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fik yorumlar \u00fcretir ve <\/span>de\u011fi\u015fik sonu\u00e7lara var\u0131r. Ama bir \u015fey \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, \u201csosyalizm mi?\u201d <\/span>sorusuna verilen yan\u0131tlar en ortodoks Stalinist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerde bile art\u0131k <\/span>belirli n\u00fcanslarla y\u00fckl\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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SSCB\u2019de sosyalizmin tam olarak kuruldu\u011fu ve \u201cgeli\u015fmi\u015f sosyalizm\u201d <\/span>a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ildi\u011fi t\u00fcm kom\u00fcnist partilerce 1936\u2019lardan beri <\/span>savunuluyordu. Daha sonralar\u0131 ise \u201ckom\u00fcnizme do\u011fru\u201d yol <\/span>al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, \u201cgenelle\u015fmi\u015f kom\u00fcnizmin in\u015fa d\u00f6nemine girildi\u011fi\u201dnden vb. s\u00f6z edilmi\u015fti.1<\/sup> Buna ra\u011fmen, 60\u2019h y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131na gelindi\u011finde <\/span>kom\u00fcnist partiler SSCB\u2019de kurulan sistemin ger\u00e7ekte \u201creel <\/span>sosyalizm\u201d,2<\/sup> ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, fiilen var oldu\u011fu kadar\u0131yla sosyalizm <\/span>oldu\u011funda karar k\u0131ld\u0131lar. Bu \u015fekilde, SSCB\u2019nin ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ile Marksist teorinin merkezinde yer alan sosyalizm kavram\u0131 aras\u0131nda apa\u00e7\u0131k olan uyumsuzlu\u011fun \u00fczerini en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck teorik maliyetle \u00f6rtmeye \u00e7abalad\u0131lar.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sovyet-\u00c7in ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131karak d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok <\/span>yerinde h\u0131zl\u0131 bir b\u00fcy\u00fcme g\u00f6steren Maocu ak\u0131mlara gelince, bunlar, <\/span>SSCB konusunda Stalin y\u00f6netimindeki Komintern\u2019in 1928-1935 <\/span>aras\u0131nda benimsedi\u011fi \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00f6nem\u201d retori\u011fini an\u0131msatan \u201csosyal <\/span>fa\u015fist\u201d ve \u201csosyal emperyalist\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 benimsediler. Ancak, bu \u00e7ok <\/span>keskin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f, bu hareketlerde 30\u2019lar\u0131n \u201csosyalist anavatan\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>terk edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelmedi; ayn\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f sadece kabuk <\/span>de\u011fi\u015ftiriyordu. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnyada tek ger\u00e7ek sosyalist \u00fclkenin ve <\/span>uluslararas\u0131 proletaryan\u0131n sosyalist \u201canavatan\u0131\u201dn\u0131n Arnavutluk <\/span>oldu\u011funu belirten gruplar bu tavr\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k dile getiriyorlar. 60\u2019l\u0131 ve <\/span>70\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc bir\u00e7ok devrimci sol hareket ise sosyalist bir <\/span>d\u00fczenin yery\u00fcz\u00fcnde halen bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmekle yetindi, di\u011fer bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ise Maocu tezlerin yumu\u015fak varyantlar\u0131n\u0131 benimsedi.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sosyalizm sorununun, Stalinist k\u00f6kenli ya da Stalinizmin teorik et\u00ad<\/span>kisi alt\u0131nda olan kesimlerde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131nda dikkati \u00e7eken ikinci bir <\/span>nokta, \u201csosyalist\u201d \u00fclkelerin tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik olarak yap\u0131lan tah\u00ad<\/span>lillerde, bu tahlillere teorik bir altyap\u0131 olu\u015fturan <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201ctek \u00fclkede <\/span>sosyalizm\u201d teorisinin kendisinin, sorgulanmaks\u0131z\u0131n kabullenilmesidir. De\u011ferlendirmeler bu varsay\u0131mdan kalk\u0131larak yap\u0131l\u0131yor. Geriye d\u00f6n\u00fcp, <\/span>ciddi bir \u015fekilde kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131na, bu varsay\u0131m\u0131n k\u00f6klerine hi\u00e7 g\u00f6z atmaks\u0131z\u0131n. \u201cTek \u00fclkede sosyalizm\u201din altm\u0131\u015f y\u0131ldan uzun bir zamand\u0131r <\/span>d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011findeki prati\u011fini de\u011ferlendirmek yerine, Stalin\u2019in <\/span>1920\u2019lerdeki polemiklerde (keyfi bir \u015fekilde yorumlayarak) <\/span>yararland\u0131\u011f\u0131 Lenin\u2019den birka\u00e7 al\u0131nt\u0131ya ve buna ek olarak Marx, Engels <\/span>ve Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahrifatlara dayanarak bu konu ge\u00e7i\u015ftirilmek\u00ad<\/span>tedir. \u00d6zellikle d\u00fcnya devrimi ya da enternasyonal sorunu konu <\/span>edildi\u011finde, sanki bir refleks tepkiyle heybeden \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lanlar Stalin\u2019in <\/span>eski arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131 olmaktad\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, Stalinizme pratik <\/span>i\u00e7erisinden y\u00f6nlendirilen pek \u00e7ok ele\u015ftirinin h\u00e2l\u00e2 b\u00fct\u00fcnsel bir teorik <\/span>niteli\u011fe kavu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Bu eksiklik ise enternasyonalizmin <\/span>g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011findeki zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla beslenmekte ve ayn\u0131 zaman\u00ad<\/span>da bu zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 peki\u015ftirmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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III. <\/span>Enternasyonalde enternasyonalizmin terki<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi, Marksizmde temel ve b\u00fct\u00fcnsel bir <\/span>revizyon niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yor; s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde dev\u015firilen sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 da bu <\/span>nedenle o denli belirleyici olacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Kautsky, Bernstein ve Otto Bauer\u2019in III.Enternasyonal\u2019e egemen k\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 reformizmin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 okura hat\u0131rlatmak gerekmiyor. <\/span>A\u011fustos 1914\u2019te Alman sosyal demokrat milletvekillerinin parlamen\u00ad<\/span>toda sava\u015f kredileri lehine oy vermeleriyle birlikte III.Enternasyonal <\/span>ihanet damgas\u0131n\u0131 yiyerek tarihe g\u00f6m\u00fclecek, uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve <\/span>insanl\u0131k belki kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in tarihinde \u00f6n\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kan en \u00f6nemli <\/span>f\u0131rsatlardan birini ka\u00e7\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Alman sosyal demokrasisinin ihaneti, bulutsuz bir g\u00f6kte aniden <\/span>\u00e7akan bir \u015fim\u015fek gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc o d\u00f6nemin Marksistlerine. Elbette <\/span>ki, daha sonra somut geli\u015fmenin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda incelendi\u011finde uzun <\/span>y\u0131llar\u0131 kapsayan reformist ve ekonomist bir prati\u011fin <\/span>II.Enternasyonal\u2019in en gelenekli ve b\u00fcy\u00fck partisini i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e <\/span>kemirdi\u011fini tespit etmek pek g\u00fc\u00e7 olmad\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tarihsel bir benzetmenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde ele almak kayd\u0131yla, <\/span>III.Enternasyonal\u2019in de bir A\u011fustos 1914\u2019\u00fc oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. <\/span>Tarihi Temmuz 1928, yeri \u201ctek \u00fclkede sosyalizm\u201d tezinin benimsendi\u011fi <\/span>6. Kongre. Elbet, fiili bir ihanet ile ihanete yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 belki \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k <\/span>olan ama daha ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015f bir teorik revizyonu ayn\u0131 d\u00fczlemde <\/span>g\u00f6rmemek gerekir. Fakat, tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde ve \u00f6zellikle de yol <\/span>a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde, 6. Kongre\u2019de \u201ctek \u00fclkede <\/span>sosyalizm\u201de verilen onay\u0131n Komintern\u2019in siyasal stratejisinde nitel bir <\/span>de\u011fi\u015fime kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k geldi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu teoriyle, sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131nda uluslararas\u0131 fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn gerekli <\/span>oldu\u011fu reddedilmekte, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ndeki sosyalist in\u015fa d\u00fcnya <\/span>devriminden soyutlanmaktayd\u0131. Art\u0131k sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015f sorunu, ancak <\/span>d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilecek evrensel bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak de\u011fil, tek <\/span>bir \u00fclkeye ait ve kendi i\u00e7ine kapal\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi, Isaac Deutscher\u2019in deyimiyle \u201cRus dev\u00ad<\/span>riminin kendi kabu\u011funa \u00e7ekilmesini simgeledi\u201d.3<\/sup> Ancak, Rus dev\u00ad<\/span>riminin uluslararas\u0131 devrimden kopar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n etkileri Sovyetler <\/span>Birli\u011fiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalamazd\u0131 ve kalmad\u0131 da. Sosyalizmin ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar <\/span>i\u00e7inde ve salt bir \u00fclkenin proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7abalar\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilece\u011fi <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, enternasyonalizmin bel kemi\u011fininin nesnel olarak k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 <\/span>anlam\u0131na geldi. Art\u0131k Komintern partilerinin i\u015flevi farkl\u0131 bir anlam <\/span>kazan\u0131yordu: SSCB\u2019de sosyalizmin kurulabilmesini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in <\/span>SSCB\u2019yi askeri m\u00fcdahalelerden korumak. Bu kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 ise ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak, bir yanda bu partilerin giderek SSCB\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f siyasetinin gereksinimlerine g\u00f6re davranan, ona tabi \u00f6rg\u00fctlere <\/span>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine, di\u011fer yanda kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini herhangi bir <\/span>m\u00fcdahaleden cayd\u0131rma amac\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olarak egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar ile <\/span>i\u015fbirli\u011fine y\u00f6nelmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisinin benimsenmesi Komintern i\u00e7in <\/span>sonun ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. Komintern\u2019in 6. Kongresi\u2019ne \u00f6nerileri taslak <\/span>program\u0131 ele\u015ftirirken Tro\u00e7ki \u015f\u00f6yle bir \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcde bulunmu\u015ftu:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Yeni doktrin sosyalizmin tek bir ulusal devlet temelinde kurulabilece\u011fini <\/span>ilan ediyor, yeter ki bir d\u0131\u015f m\u00fcdahale olmas\u0131n. Buradan kalkarak, <\/span>m\u00fcdahaleyi engellemek amac\u0131yla yabanc\u0131 burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i bir <\/span>siyaset izelenebilir ve izlenecektir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunun sayesinde sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131 g\u00fcvenceye al\u0131nacak, ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, temel tarihsel sorun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclecektir. B\u00f6ylece Komintern partilerinin g\u00f6revi tali bir nitelik kazanmaktad\u0131r; art\u0131k <\/span>esas misyonlar\u0131 iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmek de\u011fil, SSCB\u2019yi bir <\/span>d\u0131\u015f m\u00fcdahaleden korumakt\u0131r. Elbette bu sadece bir s\u00fcbjektif niyet sorunu <\/span>de\u011fil, siyasi bir tavr\u0131n objektif mant\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Stalin\u2019e g\u00f6re: \u201cG\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerimiz aras\u0131ndaki temel fark, partinin \u00fclkedeki <\/span>\u00e7eli\u015fkilerin ve olas\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n devrimin i\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7lerine dayanarak b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle a\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fine inanmas\u0131, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Tro\u00e7ki ve Muhalefetin ise, bu \u00e7eli\u015fki <\/span>ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ancak \u201culuslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte ve d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki proleter <\/span>devriminin alan\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini\u201d savunmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (Pravda, <\/em>say\u0131 262, 12 <\/span>Kas\u0131m 1926).<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Evet, ayr\u0131l\u0131k noktas\u0131 tastamam buradad\u0131r. Ulusal reformizm ile devrimci <\/span>enternasyonalizm aras\u0131ndaki fark bundan daha do\u011fru ve iyi bir \u015fekilde <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klanamazd\u0131. E\u011fer kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7 sorunlar, engeller ve \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, ki <\/span>bunlar esas olarak d\u00fcnya \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r, \u201cd\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki proleter devrimin alan\u0131na\u201d girmeksizin, sadece \u201cdevrimimizin i\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilecekse, o zaman, Enternasyonal, kongresi her d\u00f6rt y\u0131l ya da her on y\u0131l toplanan, hatta belki de hi\u00e7 toplanmas\u0131na gerek duyulmayan, k\u0131smen bir <\/span>yan kurulu\u015f ve k\u0131smen de bir s\u00fcs kurumu haline gelmeye mahkumdur.4<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin bu \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fc do\u011fru \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Lenin d\u00f6neminde Enter\u00ad<\/span>nasyonal kongreleri ortalama y\u0131lda bir toplan\u0131rken, 6. Kongre bir <\/span>\u00f6ncekinden d\u00f6rt y\u0131l sonra 1928\u2019de topland\u0131 ve kongrenin her iki y\u0131lda <\/span>bir toplanmas\u0131 karar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcz\u00fc\u011fe ge\u00e7irilmesine ra\u011fmen 7. Kongre ancak <\/span>yedi y\u0131l sonra 1935\u2019te toplanabildi. Ve bu Komintern\u2019in son kongresi <\/span>oldu.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

7. Kongre\u2019ye gelindi\u011finde tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm tezi, <\/span>Enternasyonal\u2019in her seksiyonunun stratejisinin temel ta\u015f\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir. Sosyalizmin Rusya gibi geri bir \u00fclke \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde bile <\/span>tamamen kurulabilece\u011fi mant\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan hareket eden kom\u00fcnist partileri <\/span>(\u00f6zellikle de ileri \u00fclkelerin partileri) i\u00e7in art\u0131k ulusal sosyalizmin <\/span>teorik temelleri at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Keza bu Kongre\u2019de benimsenerek Birle\u015fik \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Cephesi takti\u011finin yerini alan ve liberal burjuvaziler ile ittifaklar\u0131 <\/span>hedefleyen Halk Cephesi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, Komintern\u2019in evrim y\u00f6n\u00fcne \u00e7ok <\/span>uygun d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. Sovyet b\u00fcrokrasisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, bu politika <\/span>sayesinde kom\u00fcnist partilerin Sovyet d\u0131\u015f siyasetinin gereklerine uygun <\/span>ittifaklara girerek, ulusal burjuvazileri \u00fczerinde belirli bir bask\u0131 <\/span>uygulayabilmeleri olana\u011f\u0131 yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oluyordu.\u00a0 <\/span>Kom\u00fcnist partiler <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ise kendi burjuvazileri ile i\u015fbirli\u011fine girmenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki her <\/span>t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u201cteorik\u201d engel kalk\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece, uluslararas\u0131 devrim perspek\u00ad<\/span>tifi yerini giderek \u00f6nce ulusal sosyalizme, ard\u0131ndan da ulusal reform perspektifine b\u0131rakacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Enternasyonal, uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist devrimin uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc <\/span>olarak, demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7i bir d\u00fcnya partisi olarak kurulmu\u015ftu. <\/span>Oysa, kendi uluslar\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden sosyal \u015foven \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin ya da tek ba\u015f\u0131na sosyalizmi kurabilece\u011fini savunan Sovyet b\u00fcrokrasisinin <\/span>\u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 planda ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rmak siyasi olarak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn <\/span>olmayaca\u011f\u0131ndan, bu ko\u015fullarda Komintern\u2019in bir \u00f6rg\u00fct olarak <\/span>anlam\u0131n\u0131 yitirmesi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131. Kurulurken \u00fcstlendi\u011fi d\u00fcnya devrimi <\/span>perspektifinden uzakla\u015fan Komintern\u2019in 1943\u2019te la\u011fvedilmesi art\u0131k <\/span>sadece bir formalite sorunudur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi Marksizmden kesin bir kopu\u015fu ifade etti. Ancak insanlar\u0131n geli\u015ftirdikleri her teori gibi bu teorinin de hangi ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu ve hangi gereksinimleri yan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klayabilmemiz gerekir. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n geri kalan b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinde tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisinin hangi ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve <\/span>Marksizmde ifade etti\u011fi temel revizyonu a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cTeori\u201dnin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisinin \u00f6zg\u00fcn yan\u0131 Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde <\/span>sosyalizmin kurulabilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrmesinden kaynaklanm\u0131yor. <\/span>\u00d6rne\u011fin, NEP d\u00f6nemine kadar partinin en sol kanad\u0131nda yer alan <\/span>Buharin, Ekim devriminden sonra Prcobrajensky ile birlikte yazd\u0131klar\u0131 <\/span>ve Parti kadrolar\u0131 i\u00e7in el kitab\u0131 niteli\u011finde olan Kom\u00fcnizmin ABCsi\u2019nde <\/em>(41. b\u00f6l\u00fcm) \u201cpartimiz, kom\u00fcnizmin bir an \u00f6nce <\/span>kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 kesin hedefi olarak belirlemi\u015ftir\u201d demekte ve eklemek\u00ad<\/span>tedir: \u201cRus i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel misyonu b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcc\u00fcyle kom\u00fcnizme <\/span>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesine yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmakt\u0131r.\u201d (Buharin bu <\/span>yaz\u0131s\u0131nda sosyalizm-kom\u00fcnizm ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 pek yapm\u0131yor ve kom\u00fcnizmi <\/span>daha \u00e7ok \u00fcst a\u015famas\u0131 d\u00fczeyinde ele al\u0131yor.) Peki, Buharin, Ekim dev\u00adriminden iki y\u0131l sonra bu yazd\u0131klar\u0131 ile tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm (ya da <\/span>kom\u00fcnizm) teorisinin mimarlar\u0131ndan m\u0131 say\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r? ABCdeki <\/em>anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n b\u00f6ylesi bir yoruma a\u00e7\u0131k olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Buharin\u2019in kurdu\u011fu <\/span>teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eveden g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6nceden a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi, kom\u00fcnist devrimin zorunlulu\u011fu her\u015feyden \u00f6nce Rusya\u2019n\u0131n d\u00fcnya ekonomisi ile kurdu\u011fu s\u0131k\u0131 ba\u011flardan do\u011fmaktad\u0131r. <\/span>\u00dclkemiz art\u0131k d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir. \u00dclkenin <\/span>gerili\u011fine ra\u011fmen Rusya\u2019n\u0131n kom\u00fcnizme nas\u0131l ilerleyebilece\u011fi sorulursa, bu <\/span>soruyu esas olarak devrimin uluslararas\u0131 niteli\u011fini belirterek yan\u0131tlayabiliriz.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, proleter devrimi bir d\u00fcnya devrimidir. Ancak d\u00fcnya temelinde <\/span>geli\u015febilir… [Rusya\u2019n\u0131n] gerili\u011finin ve sanayisinin g\u00f6rece az geli\u015fmi\u015f <\/span>durumunun vb. a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, ancak Rusya\u2019n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 ya da en az\u0131ndan bir <\/span>Avrupa Sovyet Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline gelmesiyle ve bu \u015fekilde daha geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerle ba\u011flant\u0131 kurmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Buharin\u2019in yukar\u0131daki yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 (NEP\u2019le birlikte bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 terk <\/span>eder), o d\u00f6nemde bol\u015feviklerin ortak tavr\u0131d\u0131r ve sosyalist devrim <\/span>s\u00fcrecini esas olarak bir d\u00fcnya devrimi olarak de\u011ferlendiren Marx, En<\/span>gels ve Lenin\u2019in yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131ndan farks\u0131zd\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte, \u201ctek \u00fclkede <\/span>sosyalizm\u201d teorisi ile Stalin\u2019in \u201ckatk\u0131s\u0131\u201d tam da bu noktada <\/span>somutlanrnaktad\u0131r. Stalin, tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm doktriniyle Rusya\u2019da <\/span>sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 devrimden kopar\u0131r. Bu noktaya nas\u0131l <\/span>vard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 izleyelim.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Nisan 1924\u2019te yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Leninizmin \u0130lkeleri <\/em>adl\u0131 bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde Stalin, <\/span>sosyalizm konusunda h\u00e2l\u00e2 Bol\u015fevik Partinin geleneksel tavr\u0131 ile tam <\/span>bir uyum halindedir; proletaryan\u0131n tek bir \u00fclkede iktidar\u0131 ele <\/span>ge\u00e7irebilmesinin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, sosyalizmin tek \u00fclkede <\/span>kurulamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulayarak belirtir:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bir tek \u00fclkede burjuva iktidar\u0131n\u0131 devirmek ve proletarya iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurmak <\/span>demek hen\u00fcz sosyalizmin tam zaferini sa\u011flamak demek de\u011fildir. <\/span>Sosyalizmin ba\u015fl\u0131ca g\u00f6revi -sosyalist \u00fcretimin \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesi- hen\u00fcz <\/span>gelece\u011fin sorunudur. Bu sorun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme ba\u011flanabilir mi, bir\u00e7ok ileri \u00fclkenin proleterlerinin ortak \u00e7abalar\u0131 olmadan bir \u00fclkede sosyalizmin kesin zaferine <\/span>ula\u015f\u0131labilir mi? Hay\u0131r, ula\u015f\u0131lamaz, burjuvaziyi devirmek i\u00e7in bir tek \u00fclkenin <\/span>\u00e7abalar\u0131 yeter, devrimimizin tarihi buna tan\u0131kl\u0131k eder. Sosyalizmin kesin <\/span>zaferi i\u00e7in, sosyalist \u00fcretimin \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesi i\u00e7in bir tek \u00fclkenin, \u00f6zellikle Rusya gibi bir k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00fclkesinin \u00e7abalar\u0131 yetmez; bunun i\u00e7in bir \u00e7ok ileri \u00fclke <\/span>proleterlerinin \u00e7abalar\u0131 gerekir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Stalin\u2019in burada s\u00f6yledikleri ile Lenin\u2019in 18 Kas\u0131m 1918\u2019de Sovyet\u00ad<\/span>ler Kongresi\u2019ndeki \u201ctek bir \u00fclkede sosyalist devrimin tam zaferi <\/span>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez bile; bunun i\u00e7in en az\u0131ndan bir\u00e7ok ileri \u00fclkenin en etkin <\/span>i\u015fbirli\u011fi zorunludur, ki Rusya bu \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda say\u0131lamaz\u201d6 <\/sup><\/span>form\u00fclasyonu aras\u0131ndaki benzerlik \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclebiliyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ancak, birka\u00e7 ay sonra yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ekim Devrimi ve Rus <\/em><\/span>Kom\u00fcnistlerinin Takti\u011fi <\/span><\/em>bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde (Aral\u0131k 1924) Stalin 180 derecelik bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f yaparak Rusya\u2019da \u201csosyalist toplumu tam olarak kurmak i\u00e7in <\/span>gerekli her\u015feye\u201d sahip olundu\u011fu sonucuna varacakt\u0131r. Ocak 1926\u2019da <\/span>yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Leninizmin Sorunlar\u0131 <\/em>bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde ise bu konuyu daha detayl\u0131 <\/span>olarak a\u00e7ar, tek bir \u00fclkenin g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle sosyalist toplumu tam olarak <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmenin kesinlikle olanakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtir: \u201c… bir tek <\/span>\u00fclkenin g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle sosyalizmin tam olarak kurulmas\u0131 olana\u011f\u0131 sorusu -ki <\/span>bu soru, evet diye yan\u0131llanmal\u0131d\u0131r-…\u201d Ve daha ilerde: \u201cSosyalizmi <\/span>sonuna kadar kurabiliriz ve is\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011fi alt\u0131nda k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fckle <\/span>birlikte sosyalizmi kuraca\u011f\u0131z.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Neydi bu ani d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn nedeni? Marksizmin bu \u00f6nemli teorik sorununa olumsuz yan\u0131t\u0131, bir y\u0131l\u0131n i\u00e7inde olumluya de\u011fi\u015ftirecek geli\u015fme? Ayn\u0131 bro\u015f\u00fcr i\u00e7inde Stalin bunu kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131klar. Leninizmin \u0130lkeleri<\/em>\u2019nden aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve tek \u00fclkede sosyaliz\u00ad<\/span>min tam olarak kurulamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten form\u00fclasyon g\u00fcya \u201cTro\u00e7kistlerin iddialar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u201d ve \u201ci\u015fte bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde <\/span>(ama sadece bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde) bu form\u00fcl, o zaman (Nisan 1924) yeterliydi ve <\/span>ku\u015fkusuz belirli bir yarar\u0131 oldu\u201d. Bu muhalefetin \u00fcstesinden gelin<\/span>mesiyle ise durum de\u011fi\u015fir: Bu form\u00fclasyonun \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a yetersiz oldu\u011fu <\/span>ve bundan dolay\u0131 do\u011fru olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u201d.7<\/sup> Bu, ger\u00e7ekten Stalin\u2019in yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda teorik sorunlar\u0131 i\u015flemede uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6ntemin <\/span>oport\u00fcnist niteli\u011fi \u00fczerine \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek. Do\u011frular ve yanl\u0131\u015flar <\/span>ger\u00e7eklere g\u00f6re de\u011fil, ama belirli polemikler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cyeterli\u201d olup <\/span>olmad\u0131klar\u0131 ve sa\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131 \u201cyarar\u201da g\u00f6re \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclmektedirler. Bir teorinin <\/span>\u201cyanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d nesnel durumun de\u011fi\u015fmesi ya da onun daha do\u011fru olarak <\/span>kavranmas\u0131yla de\u011fil, sadece ideolojik m\u00fccadelenin de\u011fi\u015fen gerekleri sonucu belirlenmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Marksizmin Bol\u015fevik Parti\u2019de bu denli keyfi bir bi\u00e7imde <\/span>kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na olanak tan\u0131yan ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gerekir. Ancak bu \u015fekilde sorunun salt bir polemik sorunu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Stalin\u2019in <\/span>Tro\u00e7ki ve muhalefeti g\u00f6zden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in ba\u015fvurdu\u011fu kurnazca bir <\/span>oyundan \u00f6te, Rus devriminin, Komintern\u2019in ve d\u00fcnya devriminin <\/span>kaderi ile do\u011frudan ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 bir revizyonun ve yozla\u015fman\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bol\u015feviklerin d\u00fcnya devrimi perspektifi<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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4.D\u00fcnya Kongresi, proleter devrimin hi\u00e7bir zaman tek bir \u00fclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 <\/span>i\u00e7inde muzaffer olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ancak uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte ve d\u00fcnya <\/span>devrimine ula\u015farak zafere ula\u015fabilece\u011fini t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerin proleterlerine <\/span>hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. Sovyet Rusya\u2019n\u0131n t\u00fcm eylemi ve var olmak i\u00e7in verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadele, k\u00f6lelik zincirleri alt\u0131nda ezilen ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyan\u0131n proleterlerinin kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in bir m\u00fccadeledir.11<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Stalin, Nisan 1925\u2019te toplanan 14. Parti Konferans\u0131\u2019nda, partinin <\/span>\u201ctek \u00fclkede sosyalizm\u201d tezine resmi onay\u0131n\u0131 vermesini talep eder ve <\/span>bunu sa\u011flar. \u00dc\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra ise bu tez Komintern\u2019in program\u0131na <\/span>ge\u00e7ecektir. Bu geli\u015fme ile birlikte, Rus devriminin d\u00fcnya devrimi ile organik ve s\u0131k\u0131 ba\u011flar\u0131 \u00fczerine bol\u015feviklerin geleneksel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri terk <\/span>edilmeye ba\u015flan\u0131r ve bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin Leninizmin ink\u00e2r\u0131, \u201cTro\u00e7kizmin\u201d <\/span>bir\u00a0 <\/span>icad\u0131 oldu\u011fu\u00a0 <\/span>ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr.\u00a0 <\/span>Oysa, bol\u015feviklerin\u00a0 <\/span>bu\u00a0 <\/span>konudaki <\/span>yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmaya yer vermeyecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde a\u00e7\u0131k ve tutarl\u0131yd\u0131. <\/span>\u00c7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerdeki devrimlerin birbirlerine olan i\u00e7 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, yani <\/span>d\u00fcnya devrimi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, sadece Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye de\u011fil, klasik Marksizme ait, <\/span>yerle\u015fmi\u015f bir kavramd\u0131. Lenin, hi\u00e7bir zaman Rusya\u2019daki devrimi sadece ulusal ve yerel bir olgu olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmemi\u015fti. Rus devriminin <\/span>esas \u00f6nemi Rusya\u2019n\u0131n tek ba\u015f\u0131na sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>tamamlayabilece\u011fi, sosyalizmi kurabilece\u011fi inanc\u0131ndan <\/span>kaynaklanm\u0131yordu; zaten Lenin b\u00f6yle bir olas\u0131l\u0131\u011fa da pek \u015fans <\/span>tan\u0131m\u0131yordu: \u201cD\u00fcnya-tarihsel bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yakla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, di\u011fer <\/span>\u00fclkelerde devrimci hareketlerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fi ve tek ba\u015f\u0131m\u0131za <\/span>kald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ko\u015fullarda devrimimizin nihai zaferine ula\u015fmakta hi\u00e7 bir <\/span>\u015fans\u0131 olamayaca\u011f\u0131 a\u015fikard\u0131r… Tekrar ediyorum, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcklerden kurtulu\u015fumuz t\u00fcm Avrupa devriminde yatmaktad\u0131r.\u201d13<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Lenin i\u00e7in Rus devriminin esas \u00f6nemi, d\u00fcnya devriminin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 <\/span>ve bunun ivmelendirici bir \u00f6\u011fesi olmas\u0131ndayd\u0131: \u201cSadece b\u00f6yle bir zafer, <\/span>proletaryan\u0131n eline ger\u00e7ek bir silah verecek ve b\u00f6ylece biz de, Rus <\/span>demokratik devrimini bir Avrupa sosyalist devriminin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 yap\u00ad<\/span>mak i\u00e7in, b\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 tutu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131z.\u201d14 Ayn\u0131 d\u00fcnya devrimi <\/span>perspektifi, Rus sosyalist devrimi temeli \u00fczerinde, 1917\u2019den sonra da <\/span>Lenin\u2019in devrim teorisinin temel ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131r; Komintern\u2019in 3. <\/span>Kongresi\u2019nde (1921) bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klar:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Uluslararas\u0131 devrimi ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, onun geli\u015fiminin \u00f6n\u00fcne <\/span>ge\u00e7ebilece\u011fimize inand\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in de\u011fil, baz\u0131 ko\u015fullar bizi buna itti\u011fi i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7tik. \u015e\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorduk: Ya uluslararas\u0131 devrim yard\u0131m\u0131m\u0131za <\/span>gelir, bu durumda zaferimiz kesinle\u015fmi\u015f olur; ya da yenilgi ihtimalinde bile <\/span>devrim davas\u0131na hizmet etmek ve di\u011fer devrimlere yard\u0131m etmek <\/span>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle m\u00fctevazi devrimci g\u00f6revimize devam ederiz. Uluslararas\u0131 <\/span>d\u00fcnya devriminin deste\u011fi olmadan proleter devrimin zafere ula\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>imkans\u0131z oldu\u011fu bizim i\u00e7in \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Devrimden \u00f6nce de, sonra da \u015f\u00f6yle <\/span>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorduk: ya hemen, en az\u0131ndan k\u0131sa bir zaman i\u00e7inde ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerde devrim patlak verirdi, ya da yok olurduk. Bu inanc\u0131m\u0131za ra\u011fmen, Sovyet <\/span>sistemini her ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun b\u00fct\u00fcn ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda korumak i\u00e7in <\/span>elimizden geleni yapt\u0131k, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sadece kendimiz i\u00e7in de\u011fil, uluslararas\u0131 <\/span>devrim i\u00e7in de \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 biliyorduk.15<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u0130\u015fte tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi ile ba\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 edilen anlay\u0131\u015f <\/span>budur. Bu teoriyle birlikte Rus devrimini, d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin b\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>nesnel \u015fartlar\u0131 tarih taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan tasfiyesinin ba\u015flat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak ele almak yerine, bunun tersine d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi, Rusya\u2019da <\/span>sosyalist in\u015fan\u0131n tamamlanmas\u0131na olanak verilmesi i\u00e7in d\u0131\u015f <\/span>m\u00fcdahaleleri engellemede yararlan\u0131lacak bir yan g\u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fczeyine indir\u00adgenmektedir. Lenin, Rus devrimini, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada proleter devrim\u00ad<\/span>lerin ate\u015fini tutu\u015fturacak\u201d \u201cAvrupa sosyalist devriminin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131\u201d16 <\/sup><\/span>olarak ele alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Oysa ayn\u0131 soruna ulusal sosyalizmin penceresinden bakan Stalin i\u00e7in, \u201cSosyalizmi kuramayacak idiysek, 1917 Ekimi\u2019nde <\/span>iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmekteki amac\u0131m\u0131z ne idi?\u201d sorusunun yan\u0131t\u0131, e\u011fer <\/span>sosyalizm kurulamayacak idiyse \u201c1917 Ekimi\u2019nde iktidar\u0131 <\/span>almamal\u0131yd\u0131k\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u00f6te gidemez.17<\/sup> B\u00f6ylece Ekim devriminin tek anlam\u0131 Rusya\u2019n\u0131n sosyalizmi kurabilmesine ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f olmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Elbette, bu teorinin ortaya at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin d\u00fcnya konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fc ile <\/span>devrim \u00f6ncesinde ve devrimin ilk y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki durum aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli <\/span>bir farkl\u0131l\u0131k s\u00f6z konusudur. Ekim devriminin birinci y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde <\/span>Lenin d\u00fcnya devriminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesini h\u00e2l\u00e2 k\u0131sa vadeli bir olas\u0131l\u0131k olarak de\u011ferlendirmekteydi: \u201c… bu sava\u015f [d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 – AE] Rusya da <\/span>dahil olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 bir proleter devrimine ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermaye kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda zaferine do\u011fru ilerletmektedir.\u201d18<\/sup> Ayn\u0131 temay\u0131 <\/span>Ekim devriminin\u00a0 <\/span>??? y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde de vurgulayarak belirtir: \u201cdavam\u0131z <\/span>i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle d\u00fcnya devrimine g\u00fcvendik… <\/span>kaderimizi d\u00fcnya devrimine ba\u011flad\u0131k.\u201d19<\/sup> Rusya\u2019daki devrimin zaferi Bat\u0131\u2019daki devrimler i\u00e7in bir itici g\u00fc\u00e7 olacak, bu devrimler de Rus dev\u00ad<\/span>riminin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine ve sosyalizme ilerleyi\u015finin h\u0131zlanmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olacakt\u0131. Bat\u0131\u2019da devrimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda ise <\/span>Rus devrimi sonsuz g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcklerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015facakt\u0131. Yukar\u0131da da <\/span>belirtti\u011fimiz gibi bu sorun Lenin\u2019i s\u00fcrekli me\u015fgul etmi\u015ftir: \u201c… E\u011fer <\/span>d\u00fcnya sosyalist devrimi, d\u00fcnya bol\u015fevizmi muzaffer olmazsa, \u0130ngiliz, <\/span>Frans\u0131z ve Amerikan emperyalizmi erge\u00e7 Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve <\/span>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc y\u0131kacakt\u0131r,\u201d ya da \u201cmutlak ger\u00e7ek odur ki, Almanya\u2019da <\/span>devrim ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fi takdirde mahvolduk demektir\u201d. 1<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ekim devriminden sonra Bat\u0131\u2019da beklenilen devrim ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi. <\/span>1923\u2019te Almanya\u2019da devrimin yenilgiye u\u011framas\u0131 Avrupa\u2019daki devrim\u00ad<\/span>ci y\u00fckseli\u015fin gerilemeye ba\u015flamas\u0131n\u0131 simgeledi. Buna ra\u011fmen, <\/span>emperyalist \u00fclkelerdeki i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin g\u00fcc\u00fc ve bu devletler <\/span>aras\u0131ndaki ciddi \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, emperyalizmin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ne kararl\u0131 <\/span>bir askeri m\u00fcdahalesini engellemeye yetecekti. K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu\u2019nun i\u00e7 sava\u015ftaki ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan yeni i\u015f\u00e7i devleti bir soluk alma f\u0131rsat\u0131 \u201c buluyordu, ama tecrit konumunun da tahmin edildi\u011finden \u00e7ok daha uzun bir d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in s\u00fcrebilece\u011fi art\u0131k a\u00e7\u0131k bir ger\u00e7ekti. Lenin\u2019in en <\/span>karamsar tahminleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015fti, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n <\/span>ilk muzaffer proleter devrimi Marksizmin hi\u00e7 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmedi\u011fi bir <\/span>ko\u015fullar b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya bulunuyordu.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Revizyonun temelleri<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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… bu geli\u015fme olmazsa [\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler y\u00fcksek bir geli\u015fme a\u015famas\u0131na <\/span>ula\u015fmam\u0131\u015flarsa -a.e.] sadece yokluk genel hale gelmi\u015f olur ve bu durumun <\/span>yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ihtiya\u00e7 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla temel maddeler i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele yeniden ba\u015flar; bu <\/span>durum ise eski rezilane i\u015flerin yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7 <\/span>vermez.(Karl Marx\u201d\u201c)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Geri bir \u00fclkede ve ancak kanl\u0131 ve b\u00fcy\u00fck tahribatlara yol a\u00e7an bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f sonucunda peki\u015ftirilen Sovyet iktidar\u0131, ileri \u00fclkelerin yard\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 almak bir yana, emperyalist ku\u015fatmaya kar\u015f\u0131 direnmek zorunda kal\u0131r. Azgeli\u015fmi\u015f Rusya\u2019n\u0131n, i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n ve emperyalist ablukan\u0131n etkileriyle <\/span>daha da derinle\u015fen temel sorunlar\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131nda a\u011f\u0131r bir <\/span>\u015fekilde hissedilir. Tar\u0131m ve sanayi \u00fcretiminde korkun\u00e7 bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fe, <\/span>\u00fclkeye yay\u0131lan k\u0131tl\u0131k ve kitlesel i\u015fsizli\u011fe, siyasal planda proleter dev\u00ad<\/span>letinin sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 e\u015flik eder. Lenin, 8. Sovyet <\/span>Kongresi\u2019nde (1920) Sovyet devletini \u201cb\u00fcrokratik \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131klarla mal\u00fbl <\/span>bir i\u015f\u00e7i devleti\u201d23<\/sup> olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1921 sonuna gelindi\u011finde <\/span>durum tespiti daha da a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131r: \u201c… sanayi proletaryas\u0131 sava\u015f, sefalet ve <\/span>y\u0131k\u0131m sonucu s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fm\u0131\u015f (deklase) bir hale gelmi\u015ftir; ba\u015fka bir <\/span>deyi\u015fle, s\u0131n\u0131f olu\u011fundan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve proletarya olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sona <\/span>ermi\u015ftir.\u201d24<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Lenin, proletarya iktidar\u0131nda da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klarken <\/span>\u201cburjuvas\u0131z burjuva devleti\u201d \u015feklinde paradoksal bir tan\u0131ma <\/span>ba\u015fvurmu\u015ftu. \u0130\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Rus devriminin kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>durum ise \u201cproletaryas\u0131z proletarya iktidar\u0131\u201d \u015feklinde <\/span>tan\u0131mlanabilecek kritik ve dengesiz bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmdedir. Bu durumda ve <\/span>Rus proletaryas\u0131 siyasi ve iktisadi iktidar\u0131n do\u011frudan uygulay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olma <\/span>konumunu yitirdi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, toplumda yeni bir imtiyazl\u0131 tabakan\u0131n <\/span>y\u00fckselmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz: Sovyet b\u00fcrokrasisi. Bir yanda proletaryan\u0131n ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Sovyetlerin zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fmesi, di\u011fer yanda <\/span>genelle\u015fmi\u015f yokluk ve b\u00fcrokratik \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131klar; i\u015fte bu ko\u015fullar, maddi ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 korumaya \u00f6zen g\u00f6steren Sovyet b\u00fcrokrasisinin devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131na ve Bol\u015fevik Parti\u2019ye egemen olmas\u0131na, giderek Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin ve Komintcrn\u2019in t\u00fcm siyasetini ve eylemini kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 temelinde y\u00f6nlendirmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda, Rus devriminin yozla\u015fmas\u0131na Ekim devriminin <\/span>partisi ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131 durabilir miydi? Bunu yan\u0131tlamak i\u00e7in <\/span>spek\u00fclasyon alan\u0131na girmek gerekir. Fakat \u015fu kadar\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. <\/span>B\u00fcrokratik reaksiyonun zaferi sava\u015fs\u0131z ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi. Bol\u015fevik Parti <\/span>iki ideolojik ve politik e\u011filim aras\u0131ndaki \u015fiddetli bir m\u00fccadelenin plat\u00ad<\/span>formunu olu\u015fturdu. Reaksiyonun partide ve \u00fclkede egemenli\u011fini <\/span>peki\u015ftirebilmcsi i\u00e7in, Marksizmin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, bol\u015fevik liderli\u011finin ve <\/span>kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n da \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu fiziksel olarak tasfiye etmesi gerekti.25<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sovyet b\u00fcrokrasisi her i\u015f\u00e7i b\u00fcrokrasisi gibi tutucudur; var olan\u0131n <\/span>korunmas\u0131n\u0131,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>devrimin\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 giri\u015fim<\/span>lerinin \u00fcst\u00fcnde tutar; uluslararas\u0131 stat\u00fckonun korunmas\u0131ndan yanad\u0131r. <\/span>Sovyet protelaryas\u0131n\u0131n siyasi faaliyetini yeniden canland\u0131rma riski <\/span>ta\u015f\u0131yan uluslararas\u0131 devrimden korkmaktad\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu ayn\u0131 zamanda <\/span>kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131n sonu olacakt\u0131r. Bu nedenle b\u00fcrokrasi kanad\u0131, Rus <\/span>devriminin gelece\u011fini d\u00fcnya devriminin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak <\/span>de\u011ferlendirmeye devam eden Bol\u015fevik Parti\u2019nin Marksist kanad\u0131na <\/span>kar\u015f\u0131, kendi kendine yeten, otar\u015fik bir ekonomik ve toplumsal yap\u0131y\u0131 <\/span>hedefleyen (hatta bunu y\u00fccelten) tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm perspektifini <\/span>rahat\u00e7a benimsemi\u015ftir. Bu anlamda, tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi, b\u00fcrokrasinin tutuculu\u011funun ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin pragmatik bir <\/span>ifadesini olu\u015fturmu\u015f, hem i\u00e7 sorunlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, hem de d\u00fcnya <\/span>kom\u00fcnist hareketi ba\u011flam\u0131nda, b\u00fcrokrasinin iktidar\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>per\u00e7inlemesinde teorik bir manivela i\u015flevi g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Gerileyen d\u00fcnya devrimi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, b\u00fcrokrasinin \u00f6nerdi\u011fi d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyadan <\/span>ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, kapal\u0131 bir ekonomi ve sosyal d\u00fczen perspektifininin, yorgun <\/span>d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f sovyet kitlelerine d\u00fcnya devrimi perspektifinden daha cazip ve <\/span>anla\u015f\u0131labilir gelece\u011fini g\u00f6rmek g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fil. Kitlelerin (ve partinin) <\/span>haletiruhiyesini iyi kavrayan Stalin, tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm dogmas\u0131yla <\/span>bu duyguyu k\u00f6r\u00fcklemeyi, ulusal gururu ok\u015famay\u0131 ve enternasyonalist kanad\u0131 partide ve s\u0131n\u0131fta yal\u0131tmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span> <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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B\u00fcrokrasinin ayn\u0131 prestij aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fcnya arenas\u0131nda da iz\u00adleyebiliyoruz. Ve burada da tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisinin <\/span>vazge\u00e7ilmez bir \u201cyarar\u0131\u201d oluyor. Bunu Stalin \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ama \u00fclkemiz, sosyalist toplumu kurma yetene\u011finden yoksun ise, d\u00fcnya <\/span>devrimi i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ek bir temel olabilir mi? Kendi i\u00e7inde, ekonomimizdeki <\/span>kapitalist unsurlara kar\u015f\u0131 zafer kazanma yetene\u011finden, sosyalizmin <\/span>kurulu\u015funu ba\u015farma yetene\u011finden yoksun ise, bug\u00fcn oldu\u011fu gibi, b\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>\u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ileri i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u00e7ekim merkezi olarak kalabilir mi? San\u0131yorum ki hay\u0131r. Ama sosyalist kurulu\u015fun zaferine inanmamak, bu inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>yaymak, d\u00fcnya devriminin temeli olarak \u00fclkemizin sayg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sarsmaya <\/span>varmaz m\u0131?<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu teorinin d\u00fcnya ba\u011flam\u0131ndaki siyasi i\u015flevi burada a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a sergilen\u00ad<\/span>mektedir: SSCB\u2019nin prestijini koruyarak d\u00fcnya kom\u00fcnist hareketi <\/span>\u00fczerinde hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 kurmak. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, Stalin ve temsilcisi <\/span>olmaya soyundu\u011fu b\u00fcrokratik z\u00fcmre a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm <\/span>teorisi, Bol\u015fevik Parti\u2019den sonra Komintern partilerini de Sovyet <\/span>b\u00fcrokrasisinin gereksinimlerine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lman\u0131n kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 <\/span>olmu\u015ftur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi, savunucular\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan hi\u00e7bir zaman <\/span>teorik anlamda yorumlanm\u0131\u015f ve temellendirilmi\u015f bir teori olmad\u0131. <\/span>Ancak Stalin bu teorinin Lenin\u2019den kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermeye <\/span>\u00f6zellikle \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu nedenle bu iddialara de\u011finmek gerekli oluyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm ve Lenin<\/span> <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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6. Komintern Kongresi\u2019nde kabul edilen Komintern Program\u0131\u2019nda \u015f\u00f6yle deniyordu: \u201cSovyet Cumhuriyetlerinin i\u015f\u00e7ileri, \u00fclkelerinde, <\/span>sadece b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin ve burjuvazinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in de\u011fil, <\/span>sosyalizmin tamamen kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in de gerekli ve yeterli maddi, <\/span>\u00f6nko\u015fullara sahiptir.\u201d27<\/sup> Yeterli oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen \u201cmaddi\u201d ko\u015fullara, <\/span>Stalinistler \u00e7o\u011fu kez Lenin\u2019in 46 ciltlik eseri i\u00e7inden c\u0131mb\u0131zla \u00e7ekilen <\/span>bir iki al\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rnek verirler; ve bu al\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n sofist\u00e7e yorumuna <\/span>ba\u015fvurularak konu kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f say\u0131l\u0131r. Bunlardan birincisi, Lenin\u2019in <\/span>1915\u2019de yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cAvrupa Birle\u015fik Devletleri Slogan\u0131 \u00dczerine\u201d makalesi <\/span>i\u00e7inde yer al\u0131yor:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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E\u015fitsiz iktisadi ve siyasal geli\u015fme, kapitalizmin mutlak yasas\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece, sosyalizmin <\/strong><\/span>zaferi, \u00f6nce birka\u00e7, ya da hatta yaln\u0131zca bir tek kapitalist \u00fclkede olanakl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00fclkenin ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 proletaryas\u0131, kapitalistleri <\/span>m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirdikten sonra ve kendi \u00fclkesinde sosyalist \u00fcretimi \u00f6rg\u00fctledikten sonra, \u00f6teki \u00fclkelerin ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 kendi davas\u0131na \u00e7ekerek, bu \u00fclkelerde <\/span>kapitalistlere kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmalara yol a\u00e7arak ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flara ve <\/span>onlar\u0131n devletine, gerekti\u011finde silahl\u0131 kuvvetle bile kar\u015f\u0131 koyarak, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n <\/span>geri kalan\u0131n\u0131n, kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r.\u201d*\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Stalin, Tro\u00e7ki ve Sol Muhalefet ile m\u00fccadelesinde bu al\u0131nt\u0131y\u0131 iki <\/span>ba\u011flamda s\u0131k s\u0131k \u00f6ne s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Birinci iddia, s\u00f6zde Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin s\u00fcrekli devrim kavram\u0131yla d\u00fcnya devriminin t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerde ayn\u0131 zamanda <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fini savundu\u011fu, oysa Lenin\u2019in \u201csosyalizmin zaferi… tek bir <\/span>kapitalist \u00fclkede olanakl\u0131d\u0131r\u201d s\u00f6zleriyle bu iddian\u0131n temelden <\/span>\u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Hemen belirteyim, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019de b\u00f6ylesi bir anlay\u0131\u015fa ili\u015fkin tek bir sat\u0131r <\/span>bulunamaz. ? Stalin\u2019in belirtti\u011fi t\u00fcrden, devrimlerin ayn\u0131 anda ba\u015far\u0131lmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin sa\u00e7ma sapan bir teori de zaten hi\u00e7bir zaman <\/span>Marksizmde yer almam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.? Ama Stalin\u2019in bu tahrifatlar\u0131 ileri <\/span>s\u00fcrerken varmak istedi\u011fi yeri ve y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn, i<\/span>lkin bir kavram kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na de\u011finmek gerekir. Stalin, \u201csosyalizmin zaferi\u201d terimini bazen sadece iktidar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n eline ge\u00e7mesi anlam\u0131nda, yani kelimenin dar anlam\u0131nda, baz\u0131 di\u011fer yerlerde ise <\/span>sosyalizmin tam olarak kurulmas\u0131 anlam\u0131nda kullanmaktad\u0131r. <\/span>\u00d6rne\u011fin, \u201czay\u0131f bir kapitalist geli\u015fmenin g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tek bir \u00fclkede <\/span>sosyalizmin zaferinin sonucu olarak proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi\u201d \u015feklinde bir form\u00fclasyon (e\u011fer bir anlam ifade ediyor\u00adsa) sosyalizm kelimesinin dar anlam\u0131nda kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ermektedir. <\/span>Ba\u015fka yerlerde, sosyalizmin zaferi ile sosyalizmin tam kurulu\u015funu <\/span>kastetti\u011fini g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fck. Bir \u00fcslup sorunu olarak kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, dev\u00ad<\/span>rim, sosyalizm, vb. terimlerinin esnek bir \u015fekilde kullan\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131n bir <\/span>mahzuru olamaz. Yeter ki kelime oyunlar\u0131 \u00fczerine bir teori in\u015fa edil\u00ad<\/span>mesin.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Halbuki, Stalin, Marx ve Engels\u2019in sosyalist devrime ili\u015fkin <\/span>s\u00f6ylediklerinden kalkarak tam da bunu yapmakta, devrimin ayn\u0131 anda <\/span>zaferi, ?????? \u015feklinde bir teoriyi Marx ve Engels\u2019e atfetmektedir. Marx ve <\/span>Engels\u2019in, sosyalizmi en az\u0131ndan belli ba\u015fl\u0131 ileri \u00fclkeleri kapsayan, ev\u00ad<\/span>rensel bir olay olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri do\u011frudur ve bu kavray\u0131\u015f metodlar\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>temel bir yan\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Ama, sosyalist devrimin bu \u015fekilde a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131n\u0131n,\u201d i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131 bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede ayn\u0131 anda ele <\/span>ge\u00e7irece\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile hi\u00e7bir ortak\u2019 yan\u0131 yoktur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u0130kinci olarak Stalin, Lenin\u2019in yukar\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131daki s\u00f6zleri ve Rus <\/span>devriminin zaferi sayesinde Marx ve Engels\u2019deki bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da tek \u00fclkede sosyalizmin olanakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer: \u201cDevrimin ba\u015fl\u0131ca Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde ayn\u0131 anda zaferi teorisinin, sosyalizmin zaferinin tek bir \u00fclkede <\/span>olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 teorisinin, yapay, y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclemez bir teori oldu\u011fu kesin\u00ad<\/span>dir. *<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Bu \u015fekilde Stalin, kendi uydurdu\u011fu ama bir kelime oyunuyla Marx\u2019a <\/span>atfetti\u011fi bir teorinin yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdikten sonra, bunun kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span>ifade eden ve kendisine ait olan tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisinin
\n<\/span>do\u011frulu\u011funu kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f varsaymaktad\u0131r. Stalin\u2019in bu tahrifat\u0131 zaman <\/span>i\u00e7inde \u015fa\u015f\u0131lacak bir dayan\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Resmi kom\u00fcnist partiler <\/span>\u201cTro\u00e7kizmi\u201d tan\u0131mlarken h\u00e2l\u00e2 bu t\u00fcrden safsatalara <\/span>ba\u015fvurmaktad\u0131rlar. Ne yaz\u0131k ki T\u00fcrkiye solunun Tro\u00e7ki ile ilk <\/span>tan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 da bu zavall\u0131 d\u00fczeyde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin 1905\u2019te geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi s\u00fcrekli devrim kavram\u0131n\u0131n o <\/span>d\u00f6nemde Lenin\u2019in savundu\u011fu devrim stratejisi ile bir ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011fu <\/span>do\u011frudur. Ancak bu ayr\u0131l\u0131k, s\u00fcrekli devrim stratejisinin geri <\/span>\u00fclkelerdeki devrimleri ileri \u00fclkelerdeki devrimlerin kuyru\u011funa <\/span>takaca\u011f\u0131 noktas\u0131nda yatm\u0131yordu. Tro\u00e7ki, e\u015fitsiz ve bile\u015fik geli\u015fme <\/span>yasas\u0131ndan kalkarak, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n tarihsel gerili\u011fine ra\u011fmen Rus <\/span>proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n ileri \u00fclkelerin proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n zaferinden \u00f6nce iktidar\u0131 <\/span>ele ge\u00e7irebilece\u011fini ve Rus devrimi\u2019nin ancak proletarya iktidar\u0131 alt\u0131nda demokratik devrimin tarihsel g\u00f6revlerini yerine <\/span>getirebilece\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. S\u00fcrekli devrim ve bunun Rus Devrimi <\/span>ba\u011flam\u0131nda anlam\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bir konu oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in burada \u00fczerinde <\/span>durmuyoruz. Bence Lenin\u2019in bu ve di\u011fer bir\u00e7ok yaz\u0131s\u0131nda da kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>\u201csosyalizmin zaferi\u201d ifadesi ile, sadece, sosyalist devrimin tek bir <\/span>\u00fclkede ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilece\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamakta oldu\u011fu pek tart\u0131\u015fma g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u00fcyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130kinci iddia, ayn\u0131 al\u0131nt\u0131 i\u00e7inde yer alan \u201ckendi \u00fclkesinde sosyalist <\/span>\u00fcretimi \u00f6rg\u00fctledikten sonra\u201d ifadesi ile Lenin\u2019in sosyalizmin tek <\/span>\u00fclkede kurulabilece\u011fini savundu\u011fudur. Bu ifadeden Stalin\u2019in \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>sonu\u00e7 \u015fu: \u201cVe sosyalist \u00fcretimi \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek ne demektir? Sosyalist <\/span>toplumu kurmak demektir. Lenin\u2019in bu a\u00e7\u0131k, belirli tezinin hi\u00e7 bir <\/span>yorum gerektirmedi\u011fi bellidir.\u201d33<\/sup> Ger\u00e7ekten \u00f6yle mi? Lenin\u2019in <\/span>sosyalist \u00fcretimi \u00f6rg\u00fctlemekle belirtti\u011fi sosyalist bir toplumun <\/span>kurulmas\u0131 m\u0131d\u0131r? Herhalde Lenin burada \u00e7ok daha basit bir olguya <\/span>i\u015faret etmektedir. Yoksa, bu pasajdan, bir \u00fclkenin ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 proletaryas\u0131 <\/span>ancak <\/span><\/em>sosyalist toplumu kurduktan sonra <\/em>\u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flara ve <\/span>onlar\u0131n devletine, gerekti\u011finde silahl\u0131 kuvvetle bile kar\u015f\u0131 koyarak, <\/span>d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r\u201d \u015feklinde g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 bir <\/span>mant\u0131k \u00e7\u0131kar. Devrimin savunusunu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilmek i\u00e7in \u00f6nce <\/span>sosyalizmin kurulmas\u0131 m\u0131 gerekir? Ku\u015fkusuz hay\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in sosyaliz\u00ad<\/span>min derhal kurulabilece\u011fi konusunda hi\u00e7bir ill\u00fczyonu yoktu. 1919\u2019da <\/span>\u201c\u015fu anda sosyalist bir d\u00fczeni kuramayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 biliyoruz -umar\u0131z ki \u00fclkemizde, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131m\u0131z, hatta torunlar\u0131m\u0131z taraf\u0131ndan kurulabilsin\u201d <\/span>dedi\u011finde, ne Rus devrimini savunmaktan ne de uluslararas\u0131 devrimi desteklemekten geri kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. \u201cSosyalist \u00fcretimin <\/span>\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi\u201d, kapitalistlerden al\u0131nan fabrikalar\u0131n, devlet <\/span>kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n, vb. sosyalist ilkeler temelinde i\u015fletilmesidir. K\u0131sacas\u0131 bunlar, Lenin\u2019in deyimiyle sosyalizmin kap\u0131s\u0131ndan ge\u00e7ebilmek i\u00e7in <\/span>a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken e\u015fiklerdir, sosyalizmin kendisi de\u011fil.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn Lenin\u2019e atfedilmesinde s\u0131k s\u0131k <\/span>ba\u015fvurulan Lenin\u2019in bir di\u011fer ifadesi de 1923\u2019te yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>\u201cKooperatif\u00e7ilik \u00dczerine\u201d k\u0131sa bir makalesinden. Stalin, Leninizmin <\/em><\/span>Sorunlar\u0131nda <\/span><\/em>Lenin\u2019den \u015fu pasaj\u0131 aktar\u0131r:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ger\u00e7ekten -diyor Lenin- ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde devlet iktidar\u0131 ve <\/span>devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n proletarya elinde olu\u015fu, bu proletaryan\u0131n milyonlar ve milyonlarca k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcyle olan ittifak\u0131, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn proletarya taraf\u0131ndan <\/span>y\u00f6netiminin g\u00fcvenlik alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f bulunmas\u0131 vb., eskiden bezirganl\u0131k sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve bug\u00fcn de, NEP d\u00fczeninde baz\u0131 bak\u0131mlardan \u00f6yle saymakta <\/span>hakl\u0131 oldu\u011fumuz kooperatif\u00e7ilikten, yaln\u0131zca kooperatif\u00e7ilikten hareket <\/span>ederek, tam bir sosyalist toplumu kurabilmemiz i\u00e7in bize gerekli olan her \u015fey de\u011fil mi? <\/em>Bu hen\u00fcz sosyalist bir toplumun kurulu\u015fu de\u011fildir, ama bu kurulu\u015f <\/em><\/span>i\u00e7in gerekli ve yeterli olan her\u015feydir?\u2019<\/em><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Buradan da, Stalin, al\u0131nt\u0131 i\u00e7inde kendi alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdi\u011fi s\u00f6zc\u00fckleri kul\u00ad<\/span>lanarak \u201ctam sosyalist toplumu kurabiliriz ve kurmal\u0131y\u0131z, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc <\/span>kurulu\u015f i\u00e7in gerekli ve yeterli olan her \u015feye sahibiz\u201d sonucuna <\/span>varmaktad\u0131r. Belki de salt bu al\u0131nt\u0131 ile yetinildi\u011finde, Lenin\u2019in bu <\/span>makaleyi hangi ba\u011flamda kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinmedi\u011finde ve bunun da <\/span>\u00f6tesinde bu konuda t\u00fcm di\u011fer yazd\u0131klar\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, <\/span>Lenin\u2019in 1923 y\u0131l\u0131nda sosyalizm konusunda Stalin\u2019in yorumuna hak <\/span>verir bir bi\u00e7imde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc san\u0131labilir. Ama san\u0131r\u0131m ciddi bir <\/span>yan\u0131lg\u0131ya da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu makalesinde Lenin, NEP d\u00f6nemindeki kooperatiflerin \u00f6nemi <\/span>\u00fczerinde durmakta ve bu ko\u015fullarda k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, kooperatifler <\/span>arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kolektif \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri \u00e7er\u00e7evesine dahil edilebilece\u011fini <\/span>savunmaktad\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 makale i\u00e7inde, yukar\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n hemen <\/span>\u00fcst\u00fcndeki \u015fu c\u00fcmleler bu genel \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Rus halk\u0131n\u0131 bug\u00fcn kooperatiflerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlemenin ne denli \u00f6nemli oldu\u011funu <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcn yolda\u015flar kavrayamamaktad\u0131r. NEP\u2019in uygulanmas\u0131yla bir tacir olarak <\/span>k\u00f6yl\u00fcye ve \u00f6zel ticarete \u00f6d\u00fcn verdik: tam da bu nedenden dolay\u0131 (bir\u00e7ok <\/span>ki\u015finin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn aksine) kooperatif hareketi bu derece \u00f6nem <\/span>kazanmaktad\u0131r. NEP alt\u0131nda ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z olan tek \u015fey Rusya\u2019n\u0131n halk\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>kooperatif derneklerde yeterlice geni\u015f bir \u00f6l\u00e7ekte \u00f6rg\u00fctlemektir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc <\/span>daha \u00f6nceleri bir\u00e7ok sosyalist i\u00e7in bir sorun te\u015fkil eden, \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar ve \u00f6zel ticari \u00e7\u0131karlar ile bu \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n devlet taraf\u0131ndan denetimi ve ortak \u00e7\u0131karlara <\/span>ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131nma \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki dengeyi bulmu\u015f oluyoruz.36<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n

K\u0131saca Lenin, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ile sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131 <\/span>aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiye kooperatif hareketinin dengeli bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm <\/span>getirdi\u011fini ve bu yap\u0131lar\u0131n \u201cyeni sisteme ge\u00e7i\u015fte k\u00f6yl\u00fcye en basit, kolay <\/span>ve kabullenebilece\u011fi bir ara\u00e7\u201d37<\/sup> sunduklar\u0131n\u0131 belirtmektedir. <\/span>Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin de \u015f\u00f6yle bir a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 var: \u201cBu makale b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve <\/span>\u00f6zel meta ekonomisinden kollektif ekonomiye ge\u00e7i\u015fin toplumsal-<\/span>\u00f6rg\u00fctsel bi\u00e7imleri \u00fczerinde durmaktad\u0131r, bu ge\u00e7i\u015fin maddi \u00fcretim <\/span>ko\u015fullar\u0131na girmemektedir.\u201d38<\/sup> Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, belirtilen ko\u015fullar <\/span>siyasi ko\u015fullard\u0131r: \u201cba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde devlet iktidar\u0131\u201d, <\/span>\u201ciktidar\u0131n proletarya elinde olu\u015fu\u201d, \u201cproletaryan\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fcyle olan ittifak\u0131\u201d ve \u201ck\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn proletarya taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netiminin g\u00fcvenlik <\/span>alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f bulunmas\u0131.\u201d Bu ko\u015fullar\u0131n sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 sosyalizmin <\/span>kurulu\u015fu i\u00e7in \u201cgerekli ve yeterli olan her \u015feydir\u201d ama, bu sadece siyasal <\/span>alanda b\u00f6yledir. Lenin burada daha maddi temellere ili\u015fkin bir <\/span>tespitte bulunmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sovyet iktidar\u0131 sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fin siyasi ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yaratmakla birlikte, bu ko\u015fullar, \u00f6z\u00fcnde bir \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 <\/span>olan sosyalizmin dayanmak zorunda oldu\u011fu maddi temel ile \u00f6zde\u015f <\/span>de\u011fildir. Sosyalizm ise bu maddi ve siyasi ko\u015fullar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc <\/span>i\u00e7erir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Lenin ayn\u0131 makalesinde Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde tarihsel bir d\u00f6nem <\/span>olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sosyalizmin in\u015fa d\u00f6neminin iki \u00f6nemli g\u00f6revini belirliyordu. Bunlardan birincisi, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle i\u015fe yaramaz bir durumda <\/span>olan devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek\u201d, ikincisi ise k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kooperatiflerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini sa\u011flayacak bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr <\/span>d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in zorunlu olan \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcr devrimini\u201d ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftir<\/span>mek. Bu g\u00f6revler sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fte \u00fcstyap\u0131ya ili\u015fkin tespitler. Bu <\/span>g\u00f6revlerin yerine getirilmesinde maddi temelin \u00f6nemini, Lenin, <\/span>makalesinin son paragraf\u0131nda hi\u00e7 bir \u015f\u00fcpheye yer vermeyecek bi\u00e7imde <\/span>ortaya koyuyor: \u201cBu k\u00fclt\u00fcr devrimi \u00fclkemizi b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle sosyalist bir <\/span>\u00fclke yapmaya yetecektir, ama bunun ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinin hem k\u00fclt\u00fcrel <\/span>alanda (\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc cahiliz) hem de maddi alanda muazzam g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fckleri <\/span>vard\u0131r (zira k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc olabilmek i\u00e7in maddi \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n belirli bir <\/span>geli\u015fmesini sa\u011flamam\u0131z, belirli maddi bir temelin olmas\u0131 gerek\u00adlidir).\u201d39<\/sup> Evet, maddi bir temelin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, daha do\u011frusu son derece geli\u015fmi\u015f bir maddi temelin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sosyalizmin kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131d\u0131r. <\/span>Marksizmm abc\u2019si diyebilece\u011fimiz bu noktay\u0131 Lenin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi <\/span>ba\u011flam\u0131nda da bir\u00e7ok yaz\u0131s\u0131nda i\u015flemi\u015ftir. Bir \u00f6rnek: \u201cA\u00e7\u0131k de\u011fil mi ki <\/span>maddi, yani iktisadi ve \u00fcretkenlik a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131ndan, daha sosyalizmin <\/span>\u2018e\u015fi\u011finde\u2019 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z. A\u00e7\u0131k de\u011fil mi ki, sosyalizmin kap\u0131s\u0131ndan <\/span>ge\u00e7ebilmek i\u00e7in halen ula\u015famad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u2018e\u015fikten\u2019 ge\u00e7memiz gerekti\u011fi.\u201d40<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ve sosyalizm<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm \u201cteorisi\u201dnin en temel yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131, kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131n\u0131 bir <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak d\u00fcnya ekonomisine de\u011fil, sadece bunun par\u00e7alar\u0131ndan <\/span>birine, yani tek bir \u00fclkenin ekonomik yap\u0131s\u0131na dayand\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. Halbuki kapitalist toplumdaki <\/span>\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyi daha 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u00f6ncesinde bile ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. Kapitalizmin uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte yay\u0131lma <\/span>e\u011filiminin ise sosyalizmin kurulabilmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan belirleyici bir \u00f6nemi vard\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in ifadesiyle: \u201cKapitalizmin evrensel-tarihsel <\/span>e\u011filimi ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 y\u0131kmas\u0131, ulusal \u00f6zellikleri yokctmesi ve \u00fclkeleri <\/span>asimile etmesinde yatar. Her ge\u00e7en on y\u0131lla giderek daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olarak <\/span>kendini hissettiren bu e\u011filim kapitalizmin sosyalizme <\/span>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin de en b\u00fcy\u00fck itici g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden biridir.\u201d41<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Marks ve Engels de sosyalist bir toplumun kurulabilme olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kapitalizmin bu evrensel-tarihsel e\u011filimine dayand\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Marks ve <\/span>Engels i\u00e7in sosyalizmin nesnel ve \u00f6znel \u00f6nko\u015fullar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle <\/span>kapitalizmin geli\u015fme yasalar\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131yordu. \u201cMarks\u2019\u0131n <\/span>kapitalist toplumun sosyalist topluma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz <\/span>oldu\u011fu sonucuna tamamen ve yaln\u0131z \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f toplumun ekonomik <\/span>geli\u015fme yasalar\u0131ndan vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 apa\u00e7\u0131k ortadad\u0131r.\u201d(Lenin)?42<\/sup> Zaten bu an\u00ad<\/span>lamda sosyalizm bir ideal, bir \u00fctopya olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, ayaklar\u0131 tarih\u00ad<\/span>sel materyalizme basarak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde maddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olma niteli\u011fi kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kapitalizmin i\u015fleyi\u015f yasalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, \u00fcretici <\/span>g\u00fc\u00e7lere ve i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne ili\u015fkin olanlar\u0131n sosyalizmin kurulabilmesi <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kilit birer i\u015flevi var. Marksizm, program\u0131n\u0131 esas olarak <\/span>\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fme dinami\u011fi \u00fczerinde in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler <\/span>ile i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc aras\u0131nda ise do\u011frudan bir ba\u011flant\u0131 bulunur. \u201cBir ulusun <\/span>\u00fcretim g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin hangi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde geli\u015fmi\u015f oldu\u011fu bu ulusun i\u00e7indeki <\/span>i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn eri\u015fmi\u015f oldu\u011fu geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir.\u201d. Ayr\u0131ca \u201cortaya \u00e7\u0131kan her yeni \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7, i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn <\/span>bir ad\u0131m daha ilerlemesi sonucunu do\u011furur.\u201d43<\/sup> K\u00e2r pe\u015finde ko\u015fmas\u0131, <\/span>burjuvaziyi \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri gitgide geli\u015ftirmek ve alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmek <\/span>zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131r; bu g\u00fc\u00e7ler ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015farak i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc <\/span>uluslararas\u0131 alana yayma e\u011filimi g\u00f6sterirler. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerde muazzam <\/span>bir geli\u015fmeyi ifade eden uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn Marks ve Engels\u2019e g\u00f6re <\/span>iki \u00f6nemli sonucu var. Bunlardan birincisi bir \u201cd\u00fcnya pazar\u0131n\u0131n\u201d ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve insanlar\u0131n evrensel ekonomik ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7ine girmesi. \u0130kincisi <\/span>ise, d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak insanlar\u0131n hayatlar\u0131n\u0131n yerel bir <\/span>\u00e7er\u00e7eveden \u00e7\u0131karak \u201cd\u00fcnya tarihi plan\u0131nda\u201d ya\u015fanmaya ba\u015flanmas\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Kapitalizm, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri geli\u015ftirmedeki y\u00f6ntemi gere\u011fi bir d\u00fcnya <\/span>sistemidir. Ancak, kapitalizm, insan toplumunu farkl\u0131 geli\u015fme <\/span>a\u015famalar\u0131nda bulur. S\u00fcrekli olarak ekonomik y\u00f6nden geni\u015flemeye, <\/span>yeni alanlara girmeye, ekonomik farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 a\u015fmaya, yerel ve ulusal <\/span>ekonomik birimleri bir iktisadi ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131 ile \u00f6rmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece <\/span>kapitalizm, bir anlamda bu \u00fclkeleri birbirine yak\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r ve en ileri <\/span>ile en geri \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki iktisadi ve siyasi d\u00fczeyleri e\u015fitleme <\/span>e\u011filimi ta\u015f\u0131r; ancak, bunu kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc y\u00f6ntemlerle, anar\u015fik <\/span>y\u00f6ntemlerle sa\u011flar. Nas\u0131l ki bir ulus i\u00e7indeki i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc toplum i\u00e7indeki <\/span>farkl\u0131la\u015fmaya, \u015fehir ile k\u0131r\u0131n birbirinden ayr\u0131larak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7\u0131yorsa, uluslar aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik ili\u015fkilerin de <\/span>geli\u015ftikleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde benzer ilinti ve ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. <\/span>Kapitalizm bir sanayi dal\u0131n\u0131 di\u011ferine, bir \u00fclkeyi di\u011fer \u00fclkelere kar\u015f\u0131 <\/span>\u00e7\u0131kararak, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n belirli b\u00f6lgelerini geli\u015ftirip di\u011ferlerini yoksullu\u011fa <\/span>iterek ve s\u00fcrekli olarak kendi eserini y\u0131k\u0131mlara s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen \u00e7eli\u015fkileri derinle\u015ftirerek ilerler. Bu anlamda kapitalizmin d\u00fcnyada yay\u0131lmas\u0131 <\/span>e\u015fitsiz ve bile\u015fik bir \u00f6zellik ta\u015f\u0131r. Bir yanda ileri, di\u011fer yanda ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 <\/span>ekonomilere, emperyalist ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge (ya da yar\u0131 ve yenis\u00f6m\u00fcrge) <\/span>uluslara yol a\u00e7ar.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Emperyalizm, kapitalizmin t\u00fcm temel e\u011filimlerini ve hareket <\/span>yasalar\u0131n\u0131, onun b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini keskin bir bi\u00e7imde \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kararak <\/span>daha b\u00fcy\u00fck boyutlarda yeniden \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. Kapitalist geli\u015fmenin bu en <\/span>\u00fcst evresi, d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerini dev boyutlara <\/span>ula\u015ft\u0131rmakla ve b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kapsamakla, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumun <\/span>sosyalist \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi i\u00e7in gereken maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131n da olgun\u00adla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle, kapitalizmin yerini alacak daha \u00fcst\u00fcn bir \u00fcretim tarz\u0131, emperyalist sistemden daha uluslararas\u0131 bir nitejik ta\u015f\u0131mak zorundad\u0131r; emperyalizmin had safhaya getirdi\u011fi <\/span>\u00e7eli\u015fkiyi, ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, \u00fcretim g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011findeki geli\u015fimi ile ulusal ekonomiler ve s\u0131n\u0131rlar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi \u00e7\u00f6zmek <\/span>zorundad\u0131r. Bunun ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilmesi ise ancak t\u00fcm \u00fcreticilerin <\/span>denetimleri alt\u0131nda ve d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda planlanan birle\u015fik bir <\/span>ekonominin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Ancak bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00fcretici <\/span>g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc kapitalizm alt\u0131nda oldu\u011fundan \u00e7ok <\/span>daha verimli bir \u015fekilde geli\u015ftirilebilir. B\u00f6yle bir temel sosyalizmin <\/span>\u00f6nko\u015fuludur. Ve bu nedenle sosyalizm zorunlu olarak evrensel bir sis\u00adtemdir, ancak uluslararas\u0131 bir ekonomik temelde ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir. Ayn\u0131 <\/span>nedenle, tek bir \u00fclkede yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir sosyalist toplum kurmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lamak \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri kapitalizme g\u00f6re daha geriye \u00e7ekmek <\/span>anlam\u0131na gelecektir. Bu anlamda tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm kavram\u0131 siyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan oldu\u011fu gibi iktisadi a\u00e7\u0131dan da gerici ve \u00fctopik bir kavramd\u0131r<\/span>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sosyalizm<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u201cSosyalizm ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011finde, o zaman toplumun nihayet s\u0131rt\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 <\/span>devlet bi\u00e7imindeki deli g\u00f6mle\u011fini atmaktan ba\u015fka bir i\u015fi kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d<\/span> (Tro\u00e7ki)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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20 A\u011fustos 1935 tarihli karar\u0131 ile, Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in <\/span>7.Kongresi \u201cSovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde sosyalizmin nihai ve geriye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fs\u00fcz <\/span>zaferine ve proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc devletinin her y\u00f6nden <\/span>per\u00e7inle\u015fmesine ula\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f\u201d oldu\u011funu ilan etti. Ku\u015fkusuz, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin i\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7leri ile sosyalizme var\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fckten sonra, sosyalizme var\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmek b\u00fcrokrasi a\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan farz olmu\u015ftu. 1930\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda \u00fclkeyi k\u0131r\u0131p ge\u00e7iren a\u00e7l\u0131k dalgas\u0131ndan birka\u00e7 y\u0131l <\/span>sonra ve \u201c36-38 Duru\u015fmalar\u0131\u201d ile doru\u011funa ula\u015facak olan, ba\u015fta <\/span>Kom\u00fcnist Partisi ile K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm alanlara yay\u0131lan dev\u00ad<\/span>rimci kadrolar\u0131 tasfiye hareketinden, \u201ccebri-\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma kamplar\u0131n\u0131n\u201d y\u00fczbinlerle dolup ta\u015fmas\u0131ndan ve i\u015fkencenin yasalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan44 <\/sup>ise birka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6nce sosyalizmin kuruldu\u011funun ilan edilmesi, Stalinist b\u00fcrokrasinin sosyalizm anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 sergilemektedir. Daha do\u011frusu <\/span>sosyalizmden verilen i\u011fren\u00e7 tavizi.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Burada s\u00f6z\u00fc, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihine yaz\u0131lan bu karanl\u0131k d\u00f6nemi iyi tan\u0131yan Sovyet ekonomisti L.El\u2019konin\u2019e veriyorum.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u201cGeni\u015f bir tarihsel perspektiften bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Stalinist sistem, SSCB\u2019nin <\/span>sosyalizme do\u011fru gidi\u015fi yolundan sapan bir zigzag olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir… Ancak bu sadece bir zigzag, sadece sosyalizme do\u011fru hareketin y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z <\/span>bir varyant de\u011fildi. \u00c7o\u011fu temel y\u00f6nleri ile sosyalizmin terkiydi. Halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n yetene\u011fi, eme\u011fi ve kahramanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile sosyalizm yolunda kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck iktisadi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n, kapitalizmden, hatta feodalizmden \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 <\/span>al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f cahilce, b\u00fcrokratik ve insanl\u0131k d\u0131\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6ntemlerle Stalinist sistem <\/span>taraf\u0131ndan sosyalizmin hizmetine sunulmas\u0131 engellenmi\u015ftir…<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ama, Stalinist sistem, iktisaden ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel olarak geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkemizi <\/span>sosyalizmden gitgide uzakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda insanlar sadece sosyalizmi in\u015fa <\/span>etmekte olduklar\u0131na de\u011fil, sosyalist toplumu zaten kurduklar\u0131na <\/span>inand\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131lar. B\u00f6ylece, insanlarda yava\u015f yava\u015f ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak, Stalin <\/span>d\u00f6nemindeki Sovyet toplumunun siyasi, ideolojik ve moral temellerini <\/span>olu\u015fturan her\u015feyin sosyalizm oldu\u011fu fikri yerle\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131: devletin putla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve r\u00fctbeye tapmak, iktidar\u0131 elinde tutanlar\u0131n sorumsuzluklar\u0131, <\/span>halk\u0131n her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yasal haklar\u0131ndan yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131, ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar hiyerar\u015fisi ve riyak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n y\u00fcceltilmesi, sosyal ve entellekt\u00fcel ya\u015famda k\u0131\u015fla rejimi, <\/span>bireyin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin yok edilmesi, ter\u00f6r ve \u015fiddet ortam\u0131, insanlar\u0131n atomizasyonu ve \u00fcnl\u00fc s\u00f6zde \u2018asayi\u015fi sa\u011flama\u2019 \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, <\/span>denetimsiz \u015fiddet ve yasalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f zul\u00fcm. \u0130nsanlar b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 sosyalizm olarak alg\u0131lad\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Zaten sosyalist hareket ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan itibaren kapitalizmin ideologlar\u0131 <\/span>sosyalist toplumu t\u0131pat\u0131p bu \u015fekilde tarif etmiyorlar m\u0131yd\u0131? Stalinist sistem bu d\u00fc\u015fmanca iftiray\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc. Bunu, Ekim devriminin getirdi\u011fi <\/span>co\u015fkuyla sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131na at\u0131lan halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc eserini, Leninist <\/span>sosyalizmin nihai zaferine olan sonsuz inanc\u0131n\u0131 ve bu zafer u\u011frunda her t\u00fcr <\/span>g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yenme azmini istismar ederek yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Proleter sosyalizmin <\/span>trajedisi, belki de tarihindeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck trajedisi, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n sosyalist devrimi <\/span>ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131rda, bunu ilk ba\u015flatan ve di\u011fer \u00fclkelere \u00f6rnek olmas\u0131 <\/span>istenen \u00fclkenin kendisinde ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnya insanlar\u0131n\u0131n sosyalist devrim ideali ile bir g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri Lenin ad\u0131na sosyalizmin, yine sosyalizmin bayra\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda <\/span>ve sosyalizm ad\u0131na al\u00e7alt\u0131lmas\u0131 ve itibar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesidir. Ku\u015fkusuz, <\/span>Stalin\u2019in en b\u00fcy\u00fck su\u00e7u, devrimci sosyalizm davas\u0131na, Marks ve Lenin\u2019in sosyalizmine ihanet etmek ve onu kirletmek olmu\u015ftur. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, d\u00fcnya kapitalizmine sosyalizmin herhangi bir d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazla hizmet <\/span>etmi\u015ftir\u201d45<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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1930\u2019larda sosyalizmin tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan ederek Sovyet rejimi <\/span>\u00e7eli\u015fkiye d\u00fc\u015fer. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fini sosyalizmin <\/span>in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131 ile ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rmak \u00e7abas\u0131nda ortaya <\/span>\u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi gidermek i\u00e7in b\u00fcrokrasi iki yola ba\u015fvuruyor. Bir, <\/span>\u00fclke ger\u00e7eklerini a\u00e7\u0131klarken yalana ba\u015fvuruyor. \u0130ki, Marksizmi tahrif ediyor ve sosyalizmi yeniden tan\u0131ml\u0131yor; bu kez Sovyetler Birli\u011fi <\/span>ger\u00e7e\u011fine uyum sa\u011flayacak bi\u00e7imde. Sol hareket i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok yayg\u0131n <\/span>olan bu anlay\u0131\u015flardan iki tanesi \u00fczerinde duraca\u011f\u0131m. Bunlardan birin\u00ad<\/span>cisi sosyalizmin s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir toplum oldu\u011fu, ikincisi ise, birincisine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak sosyalizmde s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrece\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sosyalizm, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplumlar\u0131n ilki <\/span><\/strong>midir yoksa s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n <\/strong><\/span>sonuncusu mu?<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Gotha Program\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi\u2019nden, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019dan <\/span><\/em>-hatta daha \u00f6ncelerinden- itibaren her ku\u015fak sosyalist, sosyalizmin s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z <\/span>bir toplum olaca\u011f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla e\u011fitilmi\u015fti. Birinci Sovyet anayasas\u0131na <\/span>(Haziran 1918) \u201csosyalizm s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z bir toplum olacakt\u0131r\u201d diye <\/span>yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda o g\u00fcn i\u00e7in bu tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir nokta de\u011fildi. Bug\u00fcn de <\/span>olmamas\u0131 gerekirdi. Daha gerilere gitmemek i\u00e7in Lenin\u2019den bir ka\u00e7 <\/span>\u00f6rnek vermekle yetiniyorum:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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A\u011fustos 1919: \u201cSosyalizm nedir? S\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. <\/span>Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn yokolmas\u0131d\u0131r, i\u015f\u00e7inin (i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n) <\/span>yokolmas\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d46<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Nisan 1920: \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7iler ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler varolduk\u00e7a, sosyalizm <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015f demektir.\u201d47<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ekim 1919: \u201cSosyalizm s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yokolmas\u0131 demektir.\u201d48<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u015eubat 1921: \u201cS\u0131n\u0131flar olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sosyalizme ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f olaca\u011f\u0131z.\u201d49<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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A.Zimine50<\/sup>, Bol\u015fevik partisiyle birlikte Stalin\u2019in de 1936 y\u0131l\u0131na <\/span>kadar Marksizmin bu temel anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan kopmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. <\/span>Stalin 1933\u2019de ikinci 5 Y\u0131ll\u0131k Plan\u2019\u0131n temel g\u00f6revini \u201cSSCB\u2019de s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve sosyalist bir toplumun kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in <\/span>ekonomik bir temeli yaratmak\u201d olarak a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu. Ne var ki, bu <\/span>plan d\u00f6neminin sonuna gelindi\u011finde s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yok olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bariz bir <\/span>\u015fekilde ortadad\u0131r. Sosyalizm vaadinin yerine getirilemedi\u011fini kabul et\u00admektense Stalin sosyalizm kavram\u0131n\u0131 yeniden tan\u0131mlamay\u0131 ye\u011fler. <\/span>8.Ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc Sovyetler Kongresi\u2019ne (25 Kas\u0131m 1936) SSCB Anayasas\u0131 <\/span>tasar\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerine sundu\u011fu raporundan: \u201cBizim Sovyet toplumumuz, <\/span>daha \u015fimdiden, \u00f6z\u00fcnde sosyalizmi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi; sosyalist d\u00fczeni <\/span>yaratt\u0131, yani ba\u015fka terimlerle, marksistlerin kom\u00fcnizmin birinci ya da <\/span>alt evresi dedikleri \u015feye ula\u015ft\u0131. Bu demektir ki, kom\u00fcnizmin birinci ev\u00ad<\/span>resi, yani sosyalizm, \u00fclkemizde, daha \u015fimdiden, temel olarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir.\u201d52<\/sup> Ya s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 sorunu? Stalin biraz ilerde bunu \u015f\u00f6yle bir form\u00fcl ile a\u00e7\u0131klar: SSCB, \u201ctoplumda art\u0131k <\/span>birbirine kar\u015f\u0131t s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131; toplumun iki dost s\u0131n\u0131ftan, <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7ilerle k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden meydana geldi\u011fi\u201d?\u00a0 <\/span>bir d\u00fczendir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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B\u00f6ylece Kas\u0131m 1936, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir sosyalist toplum kavram\u0131n\u0131n milad\u0131 <\/span>olarak sosyalist literat\u00fcre ge\u00e7er. Yap\u0131lan \u015fey, SSCB\u2019de o d\u00f6nem varolan toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n ve s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin sosyalizm ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilmesidir. Marksizm, kapitalizmi s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlar\u0131n sonun<\/span>cusu, sosyalizmi s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z bir toplum olarak tan\u0131rken, Stalinizm, <\/span>sosyalizmi kapitalizmden sonra \u201cyeni\u201d bir s\u0131n\u0131f toplumu olarak \u201ckurmay\u0131\u201d ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131!<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sosyalizm ve devlet<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sosyalizm s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir toplum olacaksa, sosyalizmde devletin s\u00fcrece\u011fi <\/span>anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz oluyor. Bu anlay\u0131\u015f \u015fu t\u00fcrden form\u00fclasyonlarda <\/span>ifade bulabiliyor: sosyalizm proletarya iktidar\u0131 ile e\u015f anlaml\u0131d\u0131r ya da proletarya iktidar\u0131 sosyalizmin do\u011fal devlet bi\u00e7imidir. Her iki ifadede <\/span>de sapla saman\u0131n ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekiyor. Bu adland\u0131rmalar, yaln\u0131zca e\u015f ol\u00ad<\/span>mamakla kalmay\u0131p burada kulland\u0131klar\u0131 ba\u011flamda kar\u015f\u0131tt\u0131rlar da. <\/span>Proletarya iktidar\u0131 bir devlet bi\u00e7imidir, sosyalizm ise bir toplumsal <\/span>rejim. Toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme sosyalist oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ise proletarya <\/span>iktidar\u0131 \u201cin\u015faat bittikten sonra s\u00f6k\u00fclen iskeleler gibi ortal\u0131ktan <\/span>kalkmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d(Tro\u00e7ki). Proletarya iktidar\u0131 kapitalizmden sosyalizme <\/span>kadar uzanan ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemine <\/em>denk d\u00fc\u015fen devlet bi\u00e7imidir. Ancak bu <\/span>devlet, \u201cge\u00e7i\u015f tipi bir devlet, art\u0131k s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6z anlam\u0131yla bir devlet <\/span>de\u011fildir\u201d; \u201cDevlet ile devletsizlik aras\u0131nda bir ge\u00e7i\u015ftir.\u201d(Lenin) Ba\u015fka <\/span>bir deyi\u015fle, ama ayn\u0131 anlama gelmek \u00fczere bir i\u015f\u00e7i devletidir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Bu nedenle, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devlet, peki\u015ftirilen proletarya iktidar\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>halk\u0131n devleti vb. kavramlar\u0131 sosyalizme ters d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Devletin <\/span>\u201csosyalist toplumsal d\u00fczenin kurulmas\u0131yla kendili\u011finden da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve yok oldu\u011fu\u201d Manifesto\u2019dan <\/em>beri Marksizmin bir aksiyomu olmu\u015ftu. <\/span>Nedeni biliniyor. S\u0131n\u0131flar art\u0131k ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal bask\u0131 <\/span>arac\u0131 olarak devlete gerek kalm\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u201cSosyalizm s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yok olmas\u0131 demektir. Proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in elinden geleni yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak s\u0131n\u0131flar bir vuru\u015fta kald\u0131r\u0131lamaz. Ve s\u0131n\u0131flar proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc <\/span>\u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda hala vard\u0131rlar ve var olmaya devam edeceklerdir. Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck <\/span>ancak s\u0131n\u0131flar yokoldu\u011funda gereksiz hale gelecektir.\u201d?<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sovyetler <\/strong>Birli\u011fi\u2019nde Lenin\u2019den sonra sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fin d\u00fcnya dev\u00ad<\/span>riminden ve evrensel bir ge\u00e7i\u015ften kopar\u0131lmas\u0131, in\u015fa y\u00f6ntemlerinde de <\/span>sosyalist \u00f6z ve niteli\u011fin silinmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cTam\u201d, \u201colgun\u201d, <\/span>\u201cgeli\u015fkin\u201d, \u201creel\u201d, vb. etiketleri alt\u0131nda, Stalinist in\u015fa y\u00f6ntemi sosyalist <\/span>olmaktan \u00e7ok, antisosyalist \u00f6\u011felerle donanm\u0131\u015f b\u00fcrokratik bir i\u015f\u00e7i dev\u00ad<\/span>leti \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. Bunu yaparken de Marksizmin temel kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>ba\u015fa\u015fa\u011f\u0131 etmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Konuyu Lenin\u2019in aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir episod ile kapatal\u0131m. Olay 1921\u2019de <\/span>Ula\u015f\u0131m \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerinin Kongresi\u2019nde ge\u00e7iyor. Lenin anlat\u0131yor:<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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\u201cAz \u00f6nce buraya do\u011fru gelirken salonunuzun \u00fczerindeki as\u0131l\u0131 panoda \u015fu <\/span>yaz\u0131y\u0131 okudum: \u2018\u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin iktidar\u0131 sonsuza dek s\u00fcrecektir\u2019. Bu garip <\/span>panoyu okuyunca kendi kendime d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcm: en temel ve basit \u015feylerde <\/span>halen yanl\u0131\u015f anlamalar s\u00fcr\u00fcyor diye. Ger\u00e7ekten de e\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin <\/span>iktidar\u0131 sonsuza dek s\u00fcrecekse bu sosyalizme hi\u00e7bir zaman ula\u015famayaca\u011f\u0131z <\/span>demektir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sosyalizm s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yokolmas\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erir; oysa i\u015f\u00e7iler ve <\/span>k\u00f6yl\u00fcler var olduk\u00e7a, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar var demektir, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla tam sosyalizm <\/span>yoktur.\u201d56<\/sup><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Lenin\u2019in belirtti\u011fine g\u00f6re, bu pano o g\u00fcn kenara at\u0131l\u0131yor. Ne var ki <\/span>Stalinizmin sosyalist harekete empoze etti\u011fi tahrifatlar, elli y\u0131ld\u0131r hala <\/span>t\u00fcm\u00fcyle bir kenara at\u0131labilmi\u015f de\u011fil.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Sonu\u00e7 yerine<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm teorisi, uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist hareketin s\u0131rt\u0131nda, alt\u0131ndan pek kalkamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir y\u00fck olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. Bu teori, hernekadar <\/span>ilkin Sovyet b\u00fcrokrasisinin gereksinimlerine yan\u0131t veren bir teori olarak Rusya\u2019da (yozla\u015fan Rus Devrimi\u2019nin temellerinde) ortaya <\/span>\u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015fsa da, k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede ulusal sosyalizmin teorisi ve prati\u011fi olarak <\/span>d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketini kucaklam\u0131\u015f ve ortak bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi haline <\/span>gelmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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Ne var ki, ulusal sosyalizmi reformizmden ay\u0131ran \u00e7izgi ince bir <\/span>\u00e7izgidir, ve kom\u00fcnist partilerin \u00e7o\u011fu bu \u00e7izginin \u00f6te yan\u0131na ge\u00e7mi\u015fler\u00ad<\/span>dir. Bu partilerin, \u0130spanya\u2019dan \u015eili\u2019ye varan say\u0131s\u0131z \u00f6rnekteki i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i <\/span>politikalar\u0131 bunu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Ama bu \u00e7izginin reformist <\/span>yan\u0131na ge\u00e7memeyi ba\u015faran hareketler de a\u011f\u0131r bir bedel \u00f6demi\u015flerdir. Ulusal sosyalizm perspektifi, sosyalist hareketin uluslararas\u0131 birli\u011fini <\/span>\u00f6nce t\u00f6rp\u00fclemi\u015f sonra da parampar\u00e7a etmi\u015ftir. Marks\u2019\u0131n \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn <\/span>\u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ileri, birle\u015finiz!\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc, s\u00f6ylendi\u011finden 140 y\u0131l sonra anlam\u0131ndan bir \u015fey kaybetmemekle birlikte, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde pratik olarak ne yaz\u0131k ki dergi kapaklar\u0131nda ho\u015f duran bir alt ba\u015fl\u0131k olmaktan daha fazla bir i\u015flev g\u00f6rmemektedir. Uluslararas\u0131 kapitalizmin ekonomik, <\/span>siyasal ve askeri alanlarda geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi son derece g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri <\/span>ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme d\u00fczeyi <\/span>son derece zay\u0131f bir konumdad\u0131r. Daha do\u011frusu, varla yok aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. <\/span>Zaten, sosyalist hareketin genelinde enternasyonalizmden verdi\u011fi <\/span>\u00f6d\u00fcne bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin durumunun bundan daha farkl\u0131 <\/span>olmas\u0131 beklenemezdi. Kuruldu\u011fundan bu yana enternasyonalist gelene\u011fi korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in g\u00fcc\u00fc de tek ba\u015f\u0131na enternasyonalizmden bu uzakla\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmeye yeterli <\/span>olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle, bu g\u00f6rev devrimci Marksizmin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda t\u00fcm \u00f6nemiyle duruyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde.proleter enternasyonalizmin her d\u00fczeydeki (teorik, siyasal, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel) ifadelerinin yerine getirilebilmesinin \u00f6nemli \u00f6n<\/span>ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan birinin de, Sosyalist hareketin \u00f6nemli kesimlerinin \u201ctek <\/span>\u00fclkede sosyalizm\u201d kamburundan kurtulmas\u0131yla ve enternasyonalizmin <\/span>uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist devrim temeli \u00fczerinde yeniden kurulmas\u0131yla sa\u011flanabilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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NOTLAR<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde sosyalist d\u00fczenin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi ilk kez 1936 y\u0131l\u0131nda Stalin taraf\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131, (bkz. bu yaz\u0131 i\u00e7inde <\/span><\/span>VII. <\/span>b\u00f6l\u00fcm). 1939\u2019da toplanan 18. Parti Kongresi\u2019nde ise <\/span>Stalin\u00a0 <\/span>\u201cileriye,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>kom\u00fcnizme\u00a0 <\/span>do\u011fru\u00a0 <\/span>gidiyoruz\u201d\u00a0 <\/span>g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u00a0 <\/span>ileri\u00a0 <\/span>s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.\u00a0 <\/span>\u201c1946\u2019da\u00a0 <\/span>Stalin, <\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00f6zellikle Sovyetler Birli\u011fi gibi bir \u00fclkede, tek \u00fclkede kom\u00fcnizmin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle olanakl\u0131 oldu\u011fu
\ng\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ilk kez ifade etmi\u015ftir.\u201d (F.Claudin, The Communist Movement,<\/span> Harmondsworth, <\/span>1975, s.786.)\u00a0 <\/span>O d\u00f6nemin Sovyet literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde bu t\u00fcrden anlay\u0131\u015flara s\u0131k s\u0131k rastlan\u0131yor. <\/span>Kru\u015f\u00e7ev bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc derinle\u015ftirir; 21. Kongre (1959) Karar\u0131 olarak benimsenen raporundan: <\/span><\/span><\/span>\u2018Sovyetler Birli\u011fi, sosyalizmin zaferi temelinde, geli\u015fmesinin yeni bir a\u015famas\u0131na girmi\u015ftir:
\ngenelle\u015fmi\u015f\u00a0 <\/span>kom\u00fcnizmin in\u015fa d\u00f6nemine.\u201d Ya da 1960\u2019da Moskova\u2019da yer alan kom\u00fcnist partilerinin\u00a0 <\/span>bir toplant\u0131s\u0131na\u00a0 <\/span>a\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u00a0 <\/span>konu\u015fmas\u0131ndaki\u00a0 <\/span>ilk s\u00f6zleri:\u00a0 <\/span>\u201cSovyetler Birli\u011fi\u00a0 <\/span>kom\u00fcnist <\/span>toplumun\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>genelle\u015fmi\u015f\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>ba\u015far\u0131yla\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.\u201d(Aktaran\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>A.\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Zimine,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Lfi. <\/span>stalinisme et son \u201csocialisme reel*.<\/span><\/span> Paris, 1982).<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>\u201cReel\u00a0 <\/span>sosyalizm\u201d\u00a0 <\/span>ifadesi\u00a0 <\/span>ilk\u00a0 <\/span>kez\u00a0 <\/span>SBKP\u2019nin 22.\u00a0 <\/span>Kongre\u00a0 <\/span>(1961)\u00a0 <\/span>program\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor: \u201c\u0130<\/span>nsanl\u0131k reel olarak varolan bir sosyalist toplumu\u00a0 <\/span>in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir.\u201d Bu terimin yerle\u015fmesi <\/span>1969\u2019dan sonra Brejnev d\u00f6nemine d\u00fc\u015fer. Kom\u00fcnist partilerinin uluslararas\u0131 bir toplant\u0131s\u0131nda <\/span>Brejnev \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201cSa\u011fc\u0131 sosyal demokrat liderlerin, kom\u00fcnistlerin \u00f6nderli\u011fi alt\u0131nda bir\u00e7ok \u00f6nemli \u00fclkenin halklar\u0131nca kurulmu\u015f olan ya da kurulmakta olan reel sosyalizmi k\u00f6t\u00fclemesi \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir.\u201d (Brejnev, Lenin\u2019in Yolunda, \u201cKonu\u015fmalar\u00a0 <\/span>ve makaleler\u201d, c. 2, s. 398-403, <\/span>Moskova 1971. Aktaran A. Zimine, a.g.e.)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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A.Zimine, ayn\u0131 kitab\u0131nda, bu teman\u0131n Sovyet literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde i\u015flenmesine ili\u015fkin \u00f6rnekler veriyor. <\/span>Akademisyen ve MK \u00fcyesi I.Fedosseiev\u2019in edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc alt\u0131nda Marksizm-Leninizm <\/span>Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019nce yay\u0131nlanan kollektif bir yap\u0131ttan (Sosyalizm ve Ger\u00e7ek Durum \u00dczerine <\/span>Marksist-Leninist \u00d6\u011freti): \u201cBir toplumsal d\u00fczen olarak reel sosyalizm, kapitalizme oranla <\/span>b\u00fcy\u00fck avantajlar\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u201d; \u201cReel olarak varolan sosyalizm, Marksist-Leninist \u00f6\u011fretinin <\/span>hayata ge\u00e7irilmesidir.\u201d vs. vs. \u00d6zellikle 1976\u2019dan sonra,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Euro-kom\u00fcnist partiler \u201creel <\/span>sosyalizm\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 sosyalizmin bir varyant\u0131 anlam\u0131nda kullanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar, elbet, kendi hedefledikleri sosyalizmin farkl\u0131 ve demokratik bir varyant oldu\u011funu eklemek zorunlulu\u011funu <\/span>duyarak.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Tar\u0131k Ali, The Rtalinist I eg<\/span>ar.y<\/span> i\u00e7inde, \u201cSocialism in One Country\u201d, Penguin Books, 1984.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Tro\u00e7ki, The Third International After Lenin,<\/span> (Lenin\u2019den sonra <\/span>III. <\/span>Enternasyonal), Pathfinder <\/span>Press, New York, 1970, s.61-62.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, Leninizmin Sorunlar\u0131.<\/span> Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 6. bask\u0131, s. 175. \u201cLeninizmin \u0130Ikeleri\u201d bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn <\/span>geri \u00e7ekilen ilk bask\u0131s\u0131nda yer alan bu pasaj\u0131, Stalin \u201cLeninizmin Sorunlar\u0131\u201d makalesinde aktar\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

6.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, Collected Works<\/span> (Toplu Eserler), \u201c6. B\u00fct\u00fcn Rusya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i K\u00f6yl\u00fc, Kazak ve K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu Delegeleri Sovyeti Ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc Kongresi-Uluslararas\u0131 Durum \u00dczerine Konu\u015fma\u201d (8 Kas\u0131m <\/span>1918), c. 28, 1.151<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

7.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, a.g.e., s. 176.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

8.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., s. 174,176.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

9.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Al\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle: \u201cBu ikinci form\u00fcl [Leninizmin \u0130lkeleri\u2019nden yukar\u0131da yapt\u0131\u011fm\u0131z uzun al\u0131nt\u0131 -a.e.], \u00f6b\u00fcr \u00fclkelerde zafer olmadan bir tek \u00fclkede proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u2018tutucu <\/span>Avrupa\u2019ya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>kar\u015f\u0131\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>koyamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>s\u00f6yleyen\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Leninizmin\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>ele\u015ftiricilerinin,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Tro\u00e7kistlerin <\/span>iddialar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.\u201d (Stalin, age., s. 174). Bir kere bu \u201cform\u00fclde\u201d bu noktaya <\/span>de\u011finilmemektedir. \u0130kinci olarak, Avrupa\u2019da devrim ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fi takdirde Rus Devriminin son\u00a0 <\/span>derece\u00a0 <\/span>g\u00fc\u00e7\u00a0 <\/span>bir\u00a0 <\/span>durumda\u00a0 <\/span>kalaca\u011f\u0131\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>t\u00fcm\u00a0 <\/span>Bol\u015feviklerin\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>tavr\u0131yd\u0131.\u00a0 <\/span>Bu tehlikeyi\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>en\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00e7ok <\/span>vurgulayan da Lenin oldu. Bir sonraki b\u00f6l\u00fcmde g\u00f6sterilecek.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

10.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 174.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

11.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Komintern <\/span><\/span>IV. <\/span><\/span>D\u00fcnya Kongresi Kararlar\u0131.<\/span><\/span> Leningrad, 1923, s. 110. Aktaran A. Zimine, age., Ayr\u0131ca bkz. J. Degras (der.) The Communist International (1Q1fl-1Q43i\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Por.\u0131jm\u0131\u00bbnta.<\/span> c. 1,5. <\/span>444, Londra.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

12.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, \u201cRus kom\u00fcnist Partisi (B) Ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc 7. Kongresi-Merkez Komitesine Siyasi Rapor\u201d, age., c. 27, s. 95, (Mart 191 a).<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

13.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 9, s. 412.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

14.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 32, s. 479-80, ya da <\/span>III. <\/span><\/span>Enternasyonal Konu\u015fmalar\u0131.<\/span><\/span> Koral Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.s. 150.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

15.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age. c. 9, s. 261.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

16.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 9, s. 412.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

17.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 181.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

18.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 28, s. 137.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

19.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 31, s. 397-398.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

20.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 28, s. 188.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

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21.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Merkez Komitesi\u2019ne verdi\u011fi siyasi raporunda (8 Mart 1918) Alman devriminin beklenildi\u011fi h\u0131zla ilerleyemeyi\u015fi \u00fczerine Lenin \u015fu tespitte bulunuyor: \u201cBu bir derstir, zira Alman devrimi <\/span>ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fi takdirde mahvolaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z mutlak bir ger\u00e7ektir – belki Petrograd\u2019da ya da Moskova\u2019da de\u011fil Vladivostok\u2019da ve geri \u00e7ekilebilmek durumunda kalabilece\u011fimiz en \u00fccra yerlerde,\u00a0 <\/span>ki bu yerlerin\u00a0 <\/span>uzakl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>Petrograd\u2019\u0131n Moskova\u2019ya olan\u00a0 <\/span>mesafesinden \u00e7oktur. Her durumda ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilecek b\u00fct\u00fcn ko\u015fullarda Alman devrimi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmezse mahvolduk <\/span>demektir; Ancak,\u00a0 <\/span>bu durum, en g\u00fc\u00e7 geli\u015fmelere kar\u015f\u0131 bile cesaretle g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcs gerece\u011fimiz <\/span>konusundaki inanc\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 hi\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde sarsmamaktad\u0131r.\u201d Lenin, age.-, c. 27, s. 98.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

22.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Marx-Engels, Collected Works<\/span> (Toplu Eserler), c. 5, s. 48, Bkz. Alman \u0130deolojisi<\/span>. Ta6an Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, s. 47.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

23.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 32, s. 48.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

24.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., \u201c9. B\u00fct\u00fcn Rusya Sovyetleri Kongresi\u201d (23-28 Aral\u0131k, 1921), c. 33, s. 165.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

25.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Bu \u201ctemizlik\u201d hareketinin inan\u0131lmaz boyutunu, Sovyet tarih\u00e7isi Roy Medvedev, LsLH\u0130S\u0130aot <\/span>Jjidga. (Tarih Yarg\u0131las\u0131n), Macmillan (Londra 1972) ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yap\u0131t\u0131nda detayl\u0131 olarak inceliyor. <\/span>Salt Parti ve K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu\u2019dan kalkarak, 1937-39 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u201cNKVD, \u00fc\u00e7 Rus devrimi, yeralt\u0131 <\/span>m\u00fccadelesi ve\u00a0 <\/span>i\u00e7\u00a0 <\/span>sava\u015f\u00a0 <\/span>y\u0131llar\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>s\u00fcresince\u00a0 <\/span>kaybedilenden\u00a0 <\/span>daha \u00e7ok\u00a0 <\/span>kom\u00fcnist tutuklay\u0131p \u00f6ld\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u201d<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span>(s. 234) sonucuna var\u0131yor. Tro\u00e7ki,\u00a0 <\/span>1927\u2019de kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 son MK toplant\u0131lar\u0131ndan birinde Stalin\u2019in partiye ili\u015fkin \u015fu s\u00f6zleri sarfetti\u011fini aktar\u0131yor: \u201cBu kadrolar ancak bir i\u00e7 <\/span>sava\u015fla ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131labilir.\u201d Stalin bu s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc 10 y\u0131l sonra yerine getiriyor.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

26.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 184.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

27.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>3. Enternasyonal Belgeleri.<\/span><\/span> Belge Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, s. 173.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

28.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age. c. 21, s. 342. \u00c7evirisi Leninizmin Sorunlar\u0131\u2019<\/span>ndan al\u0131nd\u0131, age., s. 180.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

29.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin (Lenin\u2019in \u201cAvrupa…\u201d makalesinden \u00f6nce yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f) a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki s\u00f6zleri, bu noktada <\/span>Lenin\u2019den\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>ayr\u0131\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmedi\u011fini\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>g\u00f6steriyor:\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u201cHi\u00e7bir\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00fclke,\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>m\u00fccadelesi\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>i\u00e7in\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>di\u011fer\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00fclkeleri <\/span>\u2018beklememelidir\u2019.\u00a0 <\/span>Paralel\u00a0 <\/span>olarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclecek uluslararas\u0131 eylemin yerini beklenti\u00a0 <\/span>halinde\u00a0 <\/span>uluslararas\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>eylemsizli\u011fin\u00a0 <\/span>almamas\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>i\u00e7in,\u00a0 <\/span>bu\u00a0 <\/span>basit fikri\u00a0 <\/span>tekrarlaman\u0131n\u00a0 <\/span>yararl\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>ve\u00a0 <\/span>gerekli <\/span>oldu\u011funa inan\u0131yorum. Di\u011ferlerini beklemeden ulusal temellerde m\u00fccadeleye giri\u015fip, bunu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmemiz gerekir, inisiyatifimizin di\u011fer \u00fclkelerdeki m\u00fccadeleleri de h\u0131zland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131na olan tam inanc\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 koruyarak.\u201d (Tro\u00e7ki, age., s. 12).<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

30.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 104.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

31.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00d6rnek. Alman\u00a0 <\/span>\u0130deolojisi\u2019nde\u00a0 <\/span>Marx-Engels\u2019in\u00a0 <\/span>\u015f\u00f6yle bir ifadeleri yer al\u0131yor:\u00a0 <\/span>\u201cDemek ki, ampirik olarak, kom\u00fcnizm ancak egemen uluslar\u0131n \u2018hep birlikte\u2019 ve ayn\u0131 anda bir eylemi <\/span>olarak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr… \u201c(Marx-Engels, Toplu Eserler, c. 5, s. 48) Pasaj\u0131n tam buras\u0131nda, Toplu Eserler\u2019in\u00a0 <\/span>edit\u00f6rleri\u00a0 <\/span>olan\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>SBKP\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Merkez \u00a0<\/span>Komitesi\u2019ne\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>ba\u011fl\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>Marksizm-Leninizm\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc <\/span>yetkilileri bir dipnot d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015fler. A\u00e7\u0131klamak ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 duymu\u015flar, \u015f\u00f6yle diyorlar: \u201cProleter <\/span>devriminin ancak b\u00fct\u00fcn ileri \u00fclkelerde ayn\u0131 anda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fi ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla devrimin tek <\/span>bir \u00fclkede olanaks\u0131z oldu\u011fu, Engels\u2019in\u00a0 <\/span>1847 tarihinde yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018Kom\u00fcnizmin \u0130Ikeleri\u2019nden daha da kesin bir \u015fekilde ifade edilmi\u015fti.\u201d Engels, bu yaz\u0131s\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cDolay\u0131s\u0131yla
\nkom\u00fcnist devrim sadece ulusal bir devrim olmayacakt\u0131r; t\u00fcm uygar \u00fclkelerde, yani \u0130ngiltere, <\/span>Amerika, Fransa ve Almanya\u2019da ayn\u0131 anda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek bir devrim olacakt\u0131r.\u201d(Toplu <\/span>Eserler, c. 6, s. 351) Marx ve Engels bu s\u00f6zleriyle kom\u00fcnizmi ve kom\u00fcnist devrimi insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n <\/span>kom\u00fcnizme ilerleyi\u015fini i\u00e7eren \u201ctarihsel-evrensel\u201d bir ba\u011flamda ele almaktad\u0131rlar; yoksa dar <\/span>anlam\u0131nda, yani sosyalist devrim ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmesi anlam\u0131nda de\u011fil. Ama <\/span>bu s\u00f6zler Enstit\u00fcn\u00fcn edit\u00f6rlerini rahats\u0131z etmeye yetiyor ve dipnotta Lenin\u2019in \u201cAvrupa <\/span>Birle\u015fik Devletleri Slogan\u0131 \u00dczerine\u201d makalesi ile \u201cemperyalist \u00e7a\u011fda sosyalist devrimin \u00f6nce <\/span>tek bir \u00fclkede ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olabilece\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi\u201d ve b\u00f6ylece Marx-Engels\u2019teki hatay\u0131 <\/span>d\u00fczeltti\u011fini eklemek zorunlulu\u011funu duyuyorlar. Bkz, Alman \u0130deolojisi, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2.Bask\u0131, <\/span>s.64 ve dn.140.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

32.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 130.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

33.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 180.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

34.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 30, s. 202.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

35.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, age., s. 180.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

36.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 33, s. 468.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

37.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 33, s. 468.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

38.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Tro\u00e7ki, age., s. 32.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

39.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 33, s. 475.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

40.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 32, s. 326.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

41.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 20, s. 28.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

42.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Marx-Engels, Alman \u0130deolojisi, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, s. 24.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

43.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>1 bid., s. 24.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

44.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin\u2019in NKVD\u2019ye g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki telgraf\u0131 Kru\u015f\u00e7ev 20. Parti Kongresinde okuyor: \u201cMerkez Komitesi,\u00a0 <\/span>1937\u2019den itibaren\u00a0 <\/span>NKVD\u2019ye fiziki\u00a0 <\/span>bask\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>uygulama izni vermi\u015ftir. T\u00fcm <\/span>burjuva\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>istihbarat\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>\u00f6rg\u00fctleri\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>sosyalist\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>proletaryan\u0131n\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>temsilcilerine\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>kar\u015f\u0131\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>fiziksel\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>bask\u0131 <\/span>uygulamaktad\u0131rlar… Ne diye sosyalist istihbarat \u00f6rg\u00fctleri burjuvazinin ajanlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve kollektif \u00e7ift\u00e7ilerin az\u0131l\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir istisna olarak, halk\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k ve kararl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 uygulamas\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz oldu\u011funa, bu y\u00f6ntemlerin tamamiyle do\u011fru ve gerekli oldu\u011funa inanmaktad\u0131r.\u201d (Aktaran, Rpy Medvedev, age., s. 297) Bu d\u00f6nemde MK\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu dahil on binlerce kom\u00fcnistin emperyalizmin, burjuvazinin ve fa\u015fizmin ajan\u0131 olarak <\/span>su\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrsek, bu fiziksel bask\u0131 y\u00f6ntemlerinin (halk dilinde i\u015fkencenin) ger\u00e7ekte <\/span>kimlere kar\u015f\u0131 uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

45.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>R Medvedev, age. i\u00e7inde, s. 552-553. L. EL\u2019konin\u2019in.A. Ziminine\u2019nin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir m\u00fcstear <\/span>ad oldu\u011funu san\u0131yorum.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

46.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, Oeuvres Completes, c. 3.9, s. 449.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

47.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, Collected Works, \u201c3. T\u00fcm Rusya Sendikalar\u0131 Kongresine Konu\u015fma\u201d, c. 30, s. 506.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

48.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 30, s. 114.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

49.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 32, s. 109.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

50.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Eserinden s\u0131k s\u0131k yararland\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in Alexander Zimine hakk\u0131nda biraz bilgi verelim. A.Zimine eski ku\u015fak bir Sovyet marksisti. Stalin\u2019in kamplar\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7lerinden tan\u0131m\u0131\u015f. Stalinizm ve <\/span>o\u2019nun\u00a0 <\/span>\u201creel sosyalizmi\u201d\u00a0 <\/span>adl\u0131\u00a0 <\/span>kitab\u0131nda orijinal\u00a0 <\/span>kaynaklardan yararlanarak\u00a0 <\/span>sosyalist in\u015fa s\u00fcrecinde yarat\u0131lan \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 incelemi\u015f. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor:\u201d… tarihin <\/span>bize y\u00fckledi\u011fi problem, SSCB\u2019yi yeniden kom\u00fcnizmin ilk a\u015famas\u0131 olan sosyalizmin in\u015fa <\/span>yoluna y\u00f6neltmektir\u201d.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

51.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Stalin, Leninizmin Sorunlar\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, s. 458.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

52.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., s. 627-628.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

53.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., s: 629.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

54.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Marx-Engels, Gotha ve Erfurt Programlar\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi, Sol Yay\u0131nlan, s. 54.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

55.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Lenin, age., c. 30, s. 114.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

56.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>A.y., c. 32, s. 272.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sosyalizm tek bir \u00fclke \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilir mi? Bu tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ilk ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 1920\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131ndan 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llara kadar, d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketinin \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndakiler i\u00e7in bu sorunun yan\u0131t\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz bir \u201cevet\u201dti. De\u011fil mi ki sosyalizm daha 30\u2019lu y\u0131llarda SSCB\u2019de tamamen kurulmu\u015f, II.D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra ise ortaya koskocaman bir \u201csosyalist sistem\u201d \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131? Pratik bu […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[30],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-77","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-3-say"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=77"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":416,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77\/revisions\/416"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=77"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=77"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=77"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}