{"id":81,"date":"2011-02-11T12:36:35","date_gmt":"2011-02-11T12:36:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/?p=81"},"modified":"2014-02-05T23:41:37","modified_gmt":"2014-02-05T21:41:37","slug":"devrimci-marksist-program-anlay","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/?p=81","title":{"rendered":"Devrimci Marksist Program Anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u015eadi Ozans\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"

Devrim\/Demokrasi sorununun tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 olsun, devrimci bir i\u015f\u00ad<\/span>\u00e7i partisinin in\u015fa sorunu olsun program <\/span>sorunundan ve o program\u0131n han\u00ad<\/span>gi zemin \u00dczerine oturaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 <\/span>tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u00ad<\/span>dan ayr\u0131 ve kopuk olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Partinin bir program\u0131 in\u015fa ede\u00ad<\/span><\/span>ce\u011finden de\u011fil, program\u0131n partiyi in\u015fa edebilece\u011fi <\/span>ger\u00e7e\u011finden hareket\u00ad<\/span>le de, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u00fcrecin tayin edici \u00f6neme sahip tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olan <\/span>“Birlik D\u00fczlemleri”ne, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 da olsa, bir projeksiyonda bulunaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist hareket \u00fczerinde g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcr\u00ad<\/span>d\u00fcren, esas olarak iki t\u00fcr <\/span>program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bulundu\u011funu, bunlar\u00ad<\/span>dan ilkinin devrim program\u0131n\u0131 asgari ve azami <\/span>olarak ikiye ay\u0131ran bir program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, di\u011ferinin ise bu ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 reddeden ve devrim progra\u00adm\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnselli\u011fini koruyan ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 <\/span>anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu belir\u00ad<\/span>tece\u011fiz.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Program\u0131n Asgari ve Azami Olarak B\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi \u00dczerine<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 sosyal demokrasinin <\/span>(II. <\/span>Enternasyonal) muazzam ge\u00ad<\/span>li\u015fme d\u00f6neminde -20.y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk y\u0131llar\u0131- program birbirinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z <\/span>iki b\u00f6l\u00fcme ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: Burjuva toplumunun \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde reformlar\u00ad<\/span>la s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olan asgari program <\/strong>ve belirsiz bir gelecekte kapitalizmin yerini <\/span>sosyalizmin alaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vaadeden azami program. <\/strong>Ku\u015fkusuz bu ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n bir anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r taraf\u0131 vard\u0131: Kapitalist toplumlardaki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri s\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>reci i\u00e7inde devrimci durumlar\u0131n do\u011fmas\u0131 istisnai anlarda oluyordu. Bu <\/span>istisnai anlar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda g\u00f6rece uzun ‘normal’ d\u00f6nemler ya\u015fan\u0131yordu. Bir<\/span> devrimci parti bu g\u00f6rece ‘normal’ say\u0131labilecek d\u00f6nemlerde kitlelere s\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>rekli olarak “\u0130ktidar\u0131 fethedin!” \u015fiar\u0131 ile yetinen bir politika uygularsa <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan yal\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olurdu. Oysa kitlelerin ya\u015fam ko\u00ad<\/span>\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 kapitalizmin \u00f6zellikle geli\u015fme \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda reformlar yoluyla iyi\u00adle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar uygulayan klasik sosyal demokrasi bu yol\u00ad<\/span>dan s\u00fcrekli olarak geli\u015fti\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Ancak bu kez de partinin ken\u00addisinin reformistle\u015fmesinin zemini yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oluyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla so\u00ad<\/span>run, sosyal demokrasinin \u00f6zellikle Ortodoks ve devrimci kanad\u0131nda ciddi <\/span>bir gerilime yol a\u00e7\u0131yor, fakat bu gerilimin nereden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc <\/span>kavranam\u0131yordu. Oysa mesele, program\u0131n asgari ve azami olarak ikiye <\/span>ayr\u0131l\u0131p par\u00e7alanmas\u0131ndayd\u0131. Bu kopuklu\u011fu ortadan kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kit\u00adlelerin g\u00fcnl\u00fck \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve demokratik haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in verilen m\u00fccadeleler\u00adle sosyalist hareketin “nihai hedefi” aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131 kurmaya y\u00f6nelik, <\/span>k\u0131smi taleplerle ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin birarada sistemli olarak yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir <\/span>ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na varmak gerekti. RSD\u0130P’in kurulu\u015fundan iti\u00ad<\/span>baren bu par\u00e7al\u0131 program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 savunan Lenin ilk kez 1917 “Nisan <\/span>Tezleri” ve “Yakla\u015fan Felaket” adl\u0131 bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde, <\/span><\/span>III. <\/span>Enternasyonal ise <\/span>3. ve 4. Kongrelerinde ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 form\u00fcle etti. B\u00f6ylece <\/span>uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist hareketin devrimci kanad\u0131 asgari\/azami program ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7maz\u0131 a\u015farak \u00e7\u00f6zm\u00fc\u015f oldu. Ancak 1924’ten sonra <\/span>yeniden asgari\/azami program ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na geri d\u00f6n\u00fcld\u00fc. Trotskiy 1938’de <\/span>kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Kapitalizmin Can \u00c7eki\u015fmesi ve D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyo<\/span>nal’in G\u00f6revleri” adl\u0131 bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde bu anlay\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 duran kapsaml\u0131 bir <\/span>ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 haz\u0131rlad\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131 Anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

“(…) bu talepler i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele iktidar m\u00fccadelesinin <\/span>\u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 haline gelecektir. Reformistlerin ve mer\u00ad<\/span>kezcilerin asgari programlar\u0131n\u0131n yerine, Komintern, <\/span>proletaryan\u0131n somut gereksinimleri i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi, bir <\/span>b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak al\u0131nd\u0131klar\u0131nda burjuvazinin iktidar\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>par\u00e7alayan, proletaryay\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlendiren ve proletarya <\/span>diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan bir talepler sistemini koyar; kitlelerin kendileri bilin\u00e7li ola\u00ad<\/span>rak proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden yana olmasalar bile, <\/span>bu taleplerin herbiri kitlelerin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun bir gereksiniminin anlat\u0131m\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r (…)” <\/span>(III. <\/span>Enternasyonal 3. Kongre Karar\u0131, Temmuz 1921)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

“(…) 3. Ulusal seksiyonlar\u0131n programlan, bu taleple\u00adrin yer ve zaman\u0131n somut ko\u015fullar\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 oldu\u011fu\u00adna ili\u015fkin gerekli kayd\u0131 koyduktan sonra, ge\u00e7i\u015f talep\u00ad<\/span><\/span>leri i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin <\/strong><\/span>(ab\u00e7) gereklili\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ve ke\u00ad<\/span>sin olarak belirtmelidirler.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

4. B\u00fct\u00fcn ge\u00e7i\u015fsel ve k\u0131smi taleplerin kronik temelleri <\/span>genel programda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya konulmal\u0131d\u0131r. 4. Kongre, <\/span>temel devrimci g\u00f6revlerin \u00fczerini \u00f6rtme ya da bunla\u00ad<\/span>r\u0131n yerine k\u0131smi talepleri ge\u00e7irme \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 oldu\u011fu ka\u00ad<\/span>dar, ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin programa al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n oport\u00fc\u00adnizm olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131n\u0131 da kesinlikle mahkum eder<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

(IH. Enternasyonal 4. Kongre Karar\u0131, Aral\u0131k 1922)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 bug\u00fcnk\u00fc taleplerle devrimin sosyalist prog\u00adram\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki k\u00f6pr\u00fcy\u00fc kurmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in kitlelerin g\u00fcnl\u00fck m\u00fccadele s\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>reci i\u00e7inde seferber edilmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr. Bu k\u00f6pr\u00fc, g\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015f kesimlerinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc bilincinden kaynaklanan bir <\/span>ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri <\/span>sistemini kapsamal\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fmez bir bi\u00e7imde tek bir sonuca <\/span>varmal\u0131d\u0131r: iktidar\u0131n proletarya taraf\u0131ndan ele ge\u00e7irilmesi.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 partiye \u00fcye al\u0131nacak insanlar\u0131n, Onu okuyup onay\u00ad<\/span>lad\u0131klar\u0131nda partiye kabullerini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f bir kitabi me\u00adtin de\u011fildir. Esas olarak bir eylem program\u0131d\u0131r. Parti \u00fcyelerine nas\u0131l d\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>\u015f\u00fcneceklerini de\u011fil nas\u0131l faaliyette bulunacaklar\u0131n\u0131 anlatan, milyonlar\u00adca insana hitap etmek, onlar\u0131 eyleme \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rmak \u00fczere kaleme al\u0131nan bir programd\u0131r. Partinin kolektif olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar m\u00fccadelesini y\u00f6nlendirebilmesi i\u00e7in olu\u015fturulur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Talepler Sistemi<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Genel olarak emperyalist-kapitalist sistemin emek\u00e7i kitleleri i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fckledi\u011fi y\u0131k\u0131m, bu y\u0131k\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadelesinin de mad\u00ad<\/span>di zeminini zorunlu olarak haz\u0131rlar. Bu durumda asgari ve k\u0131smi talep\u00ad<\/span>ler acil olarak g\u00fcndeme gelir (i\u015fsizli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 talepler ve \u00fccret art\u0131\u015f\u0131 ta\u00ad<\/span>lepleri gibi). Askeri ve fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck rejimlerine ba\u015fvurmak duru\u00ad<\/span>munda kalan emperyalizm kitlelerin daha \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemlerde elde et\u00ad<\/span>mi\u015f olduklar\u0131 bir\u00e7ok demokratik kazan\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7er. Bu da <\/span>demokratik talepleri <\/span>(i\u015fkencecilerin yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131 ve cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi) <\/span>acilen g\u00fcndeme getirir. Emperyalizm ve \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f halindeki kapitalizm i\u015f\u00e7i <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve t\u00fcm insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir” engel olu\u015fturdu\u011fun\u00ad<\/span>dan, bunlar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde sosyalist ya da ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerini <\/span>g\u00fcndeme getirir <\/span>(burjuvazinin m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmesi, b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ge\u00e7mesi <\/span>gibi). Gene emperyalist \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f d\u00f6nemi bir\u00e7ok kitle \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn b\u00fcrokra\u00ad<\/span>tik olarak \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmesine yol a\u00e7ar. Bu durumda da anti-b\u00fcrokratik talepler <\/span><\/span>g\u00fcndeme gelir (taban\u0131n s\u00f6z ve karar sahibi olmas\u0131 gibi).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 kitle seferberli\u011fini h\u0131zla sa\u011flayabilmek i\u00e7in, b\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>t\u00fcn bu taleplerin nas\u0131l birle\u015ftirilebileceklerinin <\/span>y\u00f6ntemidir. Bu taleple\u00ad<\/span>rin t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn somut durumlara ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131m\u0131 <\/span>ve gene hepsinin t\u00fcm iktidar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na devri i\u00e7in y\u00f6neltilmesinin sa\u011flanmas\u0131, m\u00fcca\u00ad<\/span>dele halindeki kitle hareketi i\u00e7in vazge\u00e7ilmez bir zorunluluktur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fc \u015f\u00f6yle de ifade edilebilir: Bu talep\u00ad<\/span>lerin en basitleriyle en anti-kapitalist olanlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda kurulacak olan <\/span>dinamik zincirleme ba\u011flar i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sisteme ve rejime kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrekli <\/span>seferberli\u011finin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131n\u0131n Eksenleri<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 y\u00f6ntemi kendi aralar\u0131nda son derece s\u0131k\u0131 bir ili\u015fki <\/span>olan \u00fc\u00e7 temel aya\u011fa yaslan\u0131r. Bunlar s\u0131ras\u0131yla, h\u00fck\u00fcmet sorunu, devlet <\/span><\/span>kurumlar\u0131 sorunu <\/span>ve proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nderlik krizinin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 sorunudur.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

1. Devrimci Marksizmin en temel sorunu iktidar\u0131n proletarya tara\u00ad<\/span>f\u0131ndan fethi oldu\u011fundan, i\u00e7inde bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet form\u00fclasyonu talebi bu\u00ad<\/span>lunmayan hi\u00e7bir program bir ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maz. Dolay\u0131\u00ad<\/span>s\u0131yla burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin yerini alacak olan i\u015f\u00e7i yap\u0131lanmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin somut talep a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade edilmelidir: i\u015f\u00e7i H\u00fck\u00fcmeti, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-K\u00f6yl\u00fc H\u00fck\u00fc\u00admeti, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-Emek\u00e7i H\u00fck\u00fcmeti, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-Halk H\u00fck\u00fcmeti veya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-\u00c7al\u0131\u015fanlar H\u00fck\u00fcmeti gibi (Bu somut form\u00fciasyon \u00fclkeden \u00fclkeye farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6ste\u00ad<\/span>rebilir). Bu form\u00fcl Bol\u015feviklerin 1917’deki ajitasyonunda g\u00fcndeme gel\u00addi ve daha sonra da kesin bir bi\u00e7imde benimsendi. Son tahlilde, <\/span>yerle\u015f\u00ad<\/span>mi\u015f proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn pop\u00fcler bir tan\u0131mlamas\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>len ve ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar partilerinin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar h\u00fck\u00fcmetine kar\u015f\u0131 ken\u00addi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini olu\u015fturmalar\u0131 form\u00fcl\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ancak devrimci marksist<\/span>ler bu form\u00fcl\u00fcn burjuva-demokratik yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na kesinlikle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131\u00ad<\/span>karlar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc proletarya partisi burjuva-demokratik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n \u00f6tesine <\/span>ad\u0131m atmay\u0131 reddetti\u011finde, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fckle ittifak d\u00fcped\u00fcz sermayenin des\u00ad<\/span>teklenmesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-K\u00f6yl\u00fc H\u00fck\u00fcmeti form\u00fcl\u00fc her zaman pro<\/span>pagandif bir de\u011fer ta\u015f\u0131r, ancak devrimci bir durumda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ajitas<\/span>yon de\u011feri kazan\u0131r. Devrimci partinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc partilerini <\/span>burjuvaziden kopararak iktidara \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131r. Bunu reddetmeleri durumun\u00ad<\/span>da kendi kitleleri ile anla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011fa d\u00fc\u015fmelerini sa\u011flar. Bol\u015feviklerin 1917 nisan\u0131ndan eyl\u00fcl\u00fcne kadar Men\u015feviklere ve Sosyal Devrimcilere kar\u015f\u0131 <\/span>uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 politika budur: “Gelin liberal burjuvaziden koparak kendi <\/span>h\u00fck\u00fcmetinizi kurun!”<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>H\u00fck\u00fcmet sorunundan ayr\u0131 olarak ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131n\u0131n yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir di\u011fer ayak da burjuva devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n (bakanl\u0131klar, parlamen\u00ad<\/span>to ve silahl\u0131 kuvvetler gibi) yerini hangi kurumlar\u0131n alaca\u011f\u0131 sorunudur. Devrimci Marksizm program\u0131nda bu burjuva devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n yeri\u00ad<\/span><\/span>ne i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ve askerlerin \u00f6z\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinden olu\u015fan Kon\u00ad
\n<\/span>sey tipi bir Cumhuriyeti ileri s\u00fcrer. Bu konseyler ancak kitle hareketi\u00ad<\/span>nin a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a devrimci bir a\u015famaya ge\u00e7ti\u011fi bir zamanda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilirler. <\/span>Ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 ilk andan itibaren, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerin\u00ad<\/span>de emek\u00e7ilerin etrafnda birle\u015ftikleri bir eksen olarak, yerel y\u00f6netimin ve daha sonra merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetin rakipleri ve has\u0131mlar\u0131 olurlar. Nas\u0131l <\/span><\/span>ki fabrika komitesi fabrikada bir ikili iktidar yarat\u0131yorsa, Konseyler de
\n<\/span>\u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda bir ikili iktidar d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flat\u0131rlar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>Sadece son 20-25 y\u0131l\u0131 g\u00f6zledi\u011fimizde bile politik \u00f6nderlik yoklu\u00ad<\/span>\u011fu veya reformist \u00f6nderliklerin kendi do\u011falar\u0131na uygun politikalar\u0131 ne\u00ad<\/span>deniyle, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir dizi \u00fclkesinde proletaryan\u0131n iktidar f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 ya\u00adkalamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen ka\u00e7\u0131rm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu (Ba\u015fta \u015eili olmak \u00fczere bir\u00e7ok Latin Amerika \u00fclkesi, Portekiz 1974, \u0130spanya 1976, Yunanistan 1974, <\/span>Fransa 1968, Endonezya 1966, Seylan 1971, \u0130ran 1979 vs.) g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Ge\u00ad<\/span>\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131n\u0131n eksenlerinden birini de proletaryan\u0131n devrimci \u00f6nder\u00ad<\/span>lik krizinin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 sorunu olu\u015fturur. Bu ise i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7inde hi\u00e7bir \u00f6n<\/span>derli\u011fin bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkelerde devrimci marksist partilerin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131, re\u00ad<\/span>formist \u00f6nderliklerin bulundu\u011fu \u00fclkelerde ise bunlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fczerindeki hakimiyetlerinin gene devrimci marksist partiler lehine k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6n<\/span>gerektirir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, devrimci Marksist bir partinin t\u00fcm faaliyeti yukar\u0131\u00adda and\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z y\u00f6nteme ve eksenlere oturmak zorundad\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka ifa\u00ad<\/span>deyle: Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, ne birbirinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fen tekil talepler <\/span>ileri s\u00fcrer ne de anar\u015fik bir talepler karma\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece i\u015f\u00e7i san\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 <\/span>\u015fu sonuca vard\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir talepler sistemidir: En basitinden ba\u015f\u00ad<\/span>layarak t\u00fcm sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmetine kar\u015f\u0131 ve iktidar\u0131n proletarya taraf\u0131ndan fethini zorunlu k\u0131lan topyek\u00fcn bir m\u00fccadeleyi <\/span>dayat\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f Taleplerinin \u00d6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131nda \u00f6z\u00fc itibariyle sosyalist olan ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u00ad<\/span>da k\u0131smi, demokratik, anti-b\u00fcrokratik bir\u00e7ok talep t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m <\/span>daha \u00f6nce s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftik. Ge\u00e7i\u015f \u00f6zelli\u011fi g\u00f6stermeyen bu taleplerin genel <\/span>programda yeralmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeninin belirli anlarda ve durumlarda kitle\u00ad<\/span>leri eyleme s\u00fcr\u00fckleyici bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131yabilmeleri de oldu\u011fu ifade edil\u00admi\u015fti. Gene bu taleplerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131n\u0131 kuru bir azami prog\u00adram olmaktan da kurtarmaktad\u0131r. Eylem i\u00e7inde \u00f6\u011frenen, e\u011fitilen ve bi\u00ad<\/span>lin\u00e7lenen kitleler bu t\u00fcr taleplerin de yard\u0131m\u0131yla do\u011frudan ge\u00e7i\u015f talep\u00ad<\/span>lerini kavray\u0131p kullanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131klar\u0131nda ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131n\u0131n esas he\u00ad<\/span>defi olan proleter devrimini isteme momentine var\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olunur. Bun\u00ad<\/span>dan dolay\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcl niteliklerini saptayabilmek i\u00e7in ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin \u00fcze\u00ad<\/span>rinde \u00f6zel olarak durmakta yarar var. S\u00f6z gelimi hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve i\u015fsizli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclecek talep ne olabilir? Hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 <\/span>ancak \u00fccretlerin oynak merdiven sistemiyle (e\u015fel-mobil) ayarlanmas\u0131 ta\u00ad<\/span>lebiyle m\u00fccadele edilebilir. Bundan ama\u00e7, toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerle \u00fccretle\u00adrin t\u00fcketim mallar\u0131ndaki fiyat art\u0131\u015f\u0131 oran\u0131nda otomatik olarak artt\u0131r\u0131l\u00ad<\/span>mas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvenceye almakt\u0131r. Gene enflasyona ve reel \u00fccretlerin d\u00fc\u015fmesi\u00adne kar\u015f\u0131 d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar\u0131n \u00f6denmemesi talebi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmelidir. \u00d6te yandan, i\u015fsizli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn oynak merdiven sistemiyle ayarlanmas\u0131 talebi <\/span>ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr. B\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fler mevcut i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i\u00adlerin ald\u0131klar\u0131 eski haftal\u0131k \u00fccret de\u011fi\u015fmeksizin i\u015f haftas\u0131 buna g\u00f6re k\u0131salt\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dccretler, kesin olarak g\u00fcvence alt\u0131nda olan asgari d\u00fczey\u00ad<\/span>den, fiyat art\u0131\u015flar\u0131 oran\u0131nda artacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ku\u015fkusuz kapitalistler ve emperyalistler bu taleplerin “ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i” <\/span>olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlayacaklard\u0131r. Bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve \u00f6zellikle if\u00ad<\/span>lasa giden kapitalistlerle daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck uluslararas\u0131 finans kurulu\u015flar\u0131 he\u00ad<\/span>sap defterlerini ortaya koyacaklard\u0131r. Bu durumda devrimci bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bu t\u00fcr de\u011ferlendirme ve savunmalar\u0131 kesinlikle reddetmeleri i\u00e7in <\/span>m\u00fccadele etmelidir. E\u011fer kapitalizm ve emperyalizm kendi yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 fe\u00ad<\/span>laketler sonucunda ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak do\u011fan talepleri kar\u015f\u0131layam\u0131yor<\/span>sa, y\u0131k\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131n\u0131n mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilere bunu kavratmaya ve <\/span>gere\u011fini yerine getirmelerine g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr. “Bu talepler (\u00fccret ve i\u015f saatle\u00adrinde oynak merdiven) asl\u0131nda sosyalist toplumdaki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma sisteminin <\/span>tan\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r: toplam i\u015f saatlerinin toplam i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131na b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi. Prog\u00ad<\/span>ram bu yan\u0131yla sosyalizmin program\u0131d\u0131r ve basit herkesin anlayabilece\u00ad\u011fi bir dille ifade edilmi\u015ftir. Bu talepleri birer ge\u00e7i\u015f talebi yapan ve di\u011fer\u00ad<\/span>lerinden ay\u0131ran da bu sosyalist nitelikleridir. Asl\u0131nda bu talepler kapi<\/span><\/span>talizm alt\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilemezler ve tam da bu y\u00fczden ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri <\/span>olarak adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rlar, \u00f6nce i\u015f\u00e7ilerin zihnine giden bir k\u00f6pr\u00fc, sonra da <\/span>sosyalist devrime giden maddi bir k\u00f6pr\u00fc olu\u015ftururlar!’ ( L. Trotskiy ile <\/span>program \u00fczerin tart\u0131\u015fmalar, s.238)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Taleplerin Sloganla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Plekhanov propaganda ile ajitasyon aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi \u00e7ok iyi ta\u00ad<\/span>n\u0131mlar. Propaganda, bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin az say\u0131da insana a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131, <\/span>ajitasyon ise az say\u0131da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin \u00e7ok say\u0131da insana iletilmesidir. Pro\u00ad<\/span>paganda; makaleler, tart\u0131\u015fmalar, konferanslar, dersler ve kitaplarla ya\u00adp\u0131l\u0131r. Oysa ajitasyon sloganlar <\/span>kanal\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr. Ku\u015fkusuz, bu, ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz sloganlar\u0131 makaleler, bro\u015f\u00fcrler, hatta tart\u0131\u015fmalarla destek\u00ad<\/span>lemeyece\u011fimiz anlam\u0131na gelmez. Ama ajitasyonla ifade etmek istedi\u011fi\u00ad<\/span>miz baz\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri mobiltzasyon ve eylem sloganlar\u0131 <\/span>halinde somut<\/span>layarak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve halk\u0131n anlayaca\u011f\u0131 bir netlikte tek bir c\u00fcmle ile ifade <\/span>etmemiz gerekir (b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilere devredilmesi ge\u00e7i\u015f talebinin “B\u00fct\u00fcn iktidar Sovyetlere!” slogan\u0131yla somutlanmas\u0131 gibi).Hedefimiz <\/span>kitleleri harekete ge\u00e7irmek oldu\u011fu halde, marksizmin en zor yani bu slo\u00ad<\/span>ganlar\u0131n form\u00fcle edilmesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu sloganlar s\u0131n\u0131flar <\/span>aras\u0131nda varolan g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesini de hesaba katmak zorundad\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Esas olarak iki t\u00fcr slogan vard\u0131r. Bunlardan ilki, kitle hareketini <\/span>e\u011fitmeye ve seferber etmeye y\u00f6nelik sloganlard\u0131r. Varmak istedi\u011fimiz he\u00ad<\/span>defe derhal varma imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 bulunmasa bile bunlar ajitasyon niteli\u011fi <\/span>olan sloganlard\u0131r, \u00f6rne\u011fin Yunanistan’da bir \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-Emek\u00e7i H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ta\u00ad<\/span>lebinin veya Portekiz’de b\u00f6yle bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet form\u00fclasyonu talebinin slo\u00ad<\/span>gana d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ‘Papandreu-Florakis H\u00fck\u00fcmeti’ veya ‘Soares-<\/span>Cunhal’ H\u00fck\u00fcmeti’ \u015feklinde olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu slogan Bol\u015feviklerin “SR-<\/span>Men\u015fevik H\u00fck\u00fcmeti” slogan\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131d\u0131r ve tayin edici bir \u00f6neme sahiptir. \u0130kinci t\u00fcr slogan, do\u011frudan eyleme ge\u00e7meye veya do\u011frudan eyle\u00ad<\/span>min ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yaratmaya olanak sa\u011flayan sloganlard\u0131r. S\u00f6z gelimi i\u015f\u00ad<\/span>\u00e7ilerin haz\u0131rlanmakta olduklar\u0131 bir greve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yapan sloganlar. Veya bir fabrika i\u015fgaline davet eden sloganlar: “Demir-\u00c7elik veya OTOSAN Gre\u00ad<\/span>ve!”, “Karab\u00fck \u0130\u015fgal Edilsin!” gibi.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Her slogan kitlelerin ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin mevcut durumuna yan\u0131t ver\u00ad<\/span>melidir: kitlelerin bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyleri ile acil gereksinimlerinin bir sentezini ifade etmelidir. Hareket noktas\u0131 ne olursa olsun her ge\u00e7i\u015f talebi bir ge\u00ad<\/span>\u00e7i\u015f slogan\u0131 olarak at\u0131lmal\u0131 ve kitleleri g\u00fcncel s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131ndan hareketle ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak tek bir sonuca s\u00fcr\u00fcklemelidir: H\u00fck\u00fcmetle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, <\/span>iktidar m\u00fccadelesinin zorunlulu\u011fu. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda taleplerle slo\u00adganlar aras\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle bir farkl\u0131l\u0131k vard\u0131r: taleplerin t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sloganla\u015f<\/span>t\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekli de\u011filse de, ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerinin t\u00fcm\u00fc sloganla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan tarihsel bir kurgu-\u00f6rnek olu\u015fturmak gerekirse, 12 Ey<\/span>l\u00fcl’den hemen sonra askeri rejime kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilebilecek sloganlarda \u015f\u00f6yle <\/span>bir mant\u0131k izlenebilirdi: Burjuva partilerinin temsilcileri TBMM’yi ge\u00ad<\/span>nerallere terketmi\u015flerdi. E\u011fer bundan hemen sonra askeri rejim bir kriz <\/span>i\u00e7ine girseydi, derhal 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6ncesi TBMM’nin geri \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lmas\u0131 sloga\u00adn\u0131 at\u0131labilir ve bu talep i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin en geni\u015f ke\u00ad<\/span>simlerini birle\u015ftirebilirdi. Krizin daha ge\u00e7 patlak vermesi halinde ise, s\u00f6z <\/span>gelimi, “Demokratik Se\u00e7imler!” slogan\u0131 kitlelerce benimsenebilirdi.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu \u00f6rnek, devrimci Marksizmin her t\u00fcrden a\u015f\u0131r\u0131-solculu\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 <\/span>alternatif olu\u015fturan bir program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na sahip oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermek\u00ad<\/span>tedir. Bu anlay\u0131\u015fla, bir yandan kitlelerin varolan bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyinin \u00fcze\u00ad<\/span>rinden \u00e7ok \u00f6teye atlanmamakta, ama di\u011fer yandan da, kitleler, acil ge\u00ad<\/span>reksinimlerinden kalk\u0131larak iktidar\u0131n fethine haz\u0131rlanma amac\u0131 do\u011frul\u00ad<\/span>tusunda seferber edilebilmektedir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Asgari\/azami program ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131na dayal\u0131, zamand\u0131\u015f\u0131 ge\u00ad<\/span>nel propagandist tipte sloganlar feti\u015fizmini terkederek s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadele\u00ad<\/span>sinin somut nesnel ve \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar\u0131na uyarlanm\u0131\u015f sloganlar\u0131n ge\u00e7i\u015f prog\u00ad<\/span>ram\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak form\u00fcle edilmesine giri\u015fmek gerekir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ger\u00e7ekten de Marksistler i\u00e7in en zor \u015fey, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin du<\/span>rumunun de\u011fi\u015fmesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde sloganlar\u0131 da ayn\u0131 h\u0131zla de\u011fi\u015ftirebil\u00ad<\/span>me yetene\u011fine sahip olabilmektir. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin h\u0131zla geli\u015fti\u011fi dev\u00adrimci d\u00f6nemlerde devrimci Marksist s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yabilecek bir parti s\u0131n\u0131f <\/span>m\u00fccadelesindeki de\u011fi\u015fikliklere ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak sloganlar\u0131n\u0131 sistematik bir <\/span>bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015ftirip yenileyebilen bir parti olmal\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin <\/span>karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kitle hareketlerinin farkl\u0131 sekt\u00f6rlerinin ve onun m\u00fcttefik\u00ad<\/span>lerinin gereksinimleri, mevcut durumda meydana gelen de\u011fi\u015fiklikler\/dev\u00adrimci Marksist bir politika, somut ifadesini, her zaman, devrimci muh\u00adtevas\u0131n\u0131 ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 y\u00f6ntemine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sloganlar <\/span>sisteminde bulmaktad\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, bu sloganlardan baz\u0131lar\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r\u00adl\u0131kl\u0131, baz\u0131lar\u0131 belirleyici nitelik ta\u015f\u0131makla birlikte, mevcut durumda mey\u00addana gelen de\u011fi\u015fikliklere uygun berrak bir ajitatif b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck olu\u015fturma\u00ad<\/span>l\u0131d\u0131rlar. Bol\u015fevik Parti b\u00f6yle ilerledi. “Kurucu Meclis!”, “B\u00fct\u00fcn ikti\u00ad<\/span>dar Sovyetlere!”, “Burjuva Bakanlar D\u0131\u015far\u0131!”, “Kahrolsun Kornilov!”…<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu sloganlar\u0131n herbiri, ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fckleri birka\u00e7 ay zarf\u0131nda, i\u00e7inde bu\u00adlunduklar\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcre ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak de\u011fi\u015fik \u00f6nem kazand\u0131lar: ama hep b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckleri i\u00e7inde ve “B\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130ktidar Sovyetlere!” slogan\u0131 temel ekse\u00ad<\/span>ni etraf\u0131nda.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bir Nokta Daha<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin mevcut durumuna ili\u015fkin somut \u00f6rnekler ver\u00ad<\/span>mek gerekirse, ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirilmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan acilen ileri \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken ve etraf\u0131nda kampanyalar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenebilece\u011fi, eyleme y\u00f6nelik \u00f6ncelikle k\u0131sa bir talepler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn\u00add\u00fcr. Ancak bu talepler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir demok\u00ad<\/span>ratik talepler katalogu olarak ele al\u0131namaz. S\u00f6z gelimi, T\u00fcrkiye’de kit\u00ad<\/span>leleri, varolan bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeylerinden kalkarak seferber edilebilecek \u015fu ta\u00ad<\/span>lep ve sloganlar acilen \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131labilir:<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

a)<\/span><\/span><\/span>Uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131 talebine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak “\u00d6zel
\nTim La\u011fvedilsin!” slogan\u0131;<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

b)<\/span><\/span><\/span>\u0130\u015fsizlik ve hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 “Oynak Merdiven Sistemi!”
\n<\/span>veya “D\u0131\u015f Bor\u00e7lar \u00f6denmesin!” slogan\u0131;<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

c)<\/span><\/span>Sendika b\u00fcrokrasilerine kar\u015f\u0131 “T\u00ee\u0131ban Karar Versin!” slogan\u0131;<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

d)<\/span><\/span>Ve nihayet “\u0130\u015fkenceci <\/span>(X) <\/span>Yarg\u0131lans\u0131n!” veya “\u0130\u015fkenceci <\/span>(X) <\/span><\/span>ve\u00ad
\n<\/span>ya ona emir veren (Y) Yarg\u0131lans\u0131n!” sloganlar\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, s\u00f6z gelimi “141\u2014142 Kald\u0131r\u0131ls\u0131n!” talebinin \u015fu an <\/span>i\u00e7in ciddi bir kitle seferberli\u011fine yol a\u00e7mas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez, bu talebin des\u00adteklenmesi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde sosyalistler ve burjuva liberalleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ka\u00ad<\/span>l\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla program\u0131n, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ili\u015fkin demokratik <\/span>talepleri i\u00e7inde yer almal\u0131d\u0131r. Daha \u00f6nde de\u011fil.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

S\u00f6z\u00fcn k\u0131sas\u0131, bu t\u00fcr talepler geni\u015f kitleleri en kolay kucaklayacak, <\/span>en k\u0131sa zamanda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kitle seferberli\u011fine yol a\u00e7abilecek talepler <\/span>olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu talepler sloganla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmadan s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine bilin\u00e7li bir <\/span>m\u00fcdahalede bulunma olana\u011f\u0131 elde edilemez. Devrimci bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi\u00ad<\/span>nin in\u015fas\u0131 da ancak bu temeller \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselebilir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Toplumun t\u00fcm ezilen, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen ve bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda ya\u015fayan kesim\u00ad<\/span>leri devrimci bir programda kendilerini ilgilendiren talepleri bulmak zo\u00adrundad\u0131rlar. Bu kitlelerin devrimci bir partinin faaliyetine kat\u0131lmalar\u0131 <\/span>program\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc <\/strong><\/span>eksiksiz kabullenmeleriyle olmayacakt\u0131r. Her kesim <\/span>kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ifadesini buldu\u011fu alanlardan parti faaliyetine sempati <\/span>duyarak yana\u015facak, giderek partii\u00e7i propaganda ve ortak eylemlilik s\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>reci i\u00e7inde program\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne kazan\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Devrimci bir partinin <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinden beslenerek geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi talep ve sloganlarla pro\u00ad<\/span>letarya \u00fczerinde, proletaryan\u0131n da toplumun di\u011fer ezilen kesimleri \u00fcze\u00ad<\/span>rinde hegemonya kurmas\u0131n\u0131n yolu ancak b\u00f6yle bir program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na <\/span>sahip olmaktan ge\u00e7er.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Devrim\/Demokrasi sorununun tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 olsun, devrimci bir i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7i partisinin in\u015fa sorunu olsun program sorunundan ve o program\u0131n han\u00adgi zemin \u00dczerine oturaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen program anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u00addan ayr\u0131 ve kopuk olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Partinin bir program\u0131 in\u015fa ede\u00adce\u011finden de\u011fil, program\u0131n partiyi in\u015fa edebilece\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011finden hareket\u00adle de, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u00fcrecin tayin edici \u00f6neme sahip tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olan “Birlik D\u00fczlemleri”ne, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 da […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[33],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-81","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-7-say"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=81"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":459,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/81\/revisions\/459"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=81"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=81"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=81"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}