{"id":82,"date":"2011-02-11T12:40:31","date_gmt":"2011-02-11T12:40:31","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/yenicms\/?p=82"},"modified":"2014-02-05T23:41:43","modified_gmt":"2014-02-05T21:41:43","slug":"kuert-ulusal-hareketinin-tuerk-sosyalist-hareketine-etkileri-ve-tuerkiye-ci-snf-adi-ozansue","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/?p=82","title":{"rendered":"K\u00fcrt ulusal Hareketinin T\u00fcrk Sosyalist Hareketine Etkileri ve T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u015eadi Ozans\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"

Bu bir inceleme-ara\u015ft\u0131rma yaz\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fil. Ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konular\u0131 tarihsel <\/span>ba\u011flamlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftirip kesin, mutlak politik sonu\u00e7lara varmay\u0131 da <\/span>hedeflemiyor. Ancak son d\u00f6nemde h\u0131zla geli\u015fen K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi\u00ad<\/span>nin gerek kendi i\u00e7indeki ayr\u0131\u015fma ve netle\u015fmenin, gerekse bu netle\u015fme\u00ad<\/span>nin ve y\u00fckseli\u015fin T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi \u00fczerindeki etkisinin k\u0131sa ve uzun d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00fczerinde ne gibi yans\u0131malar\u0131 ola\u00ad<\/span>bilece\u011fini kabaca saptamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle sadece genel <\/span>e\u011filimleri vermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Bu g\u00f6zle okunmal\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin yak\u0131n tarihine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran \u00fc\u00e7 \u00f6nemli <\/span>d\u00f6nemine de\u011finmekte yarar g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum. Bunlar s\u0131ras\u0131yla DDKO’dan (Do\u011fu Devrimci K\u00fclt\u00fcr Ocaklar\u0131) 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980’e kadar uzanan d\u00f6\u00adnem; 1984 ve sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nem ile 1990’dan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar gelen d\u00f6\u00ad<\/span>nemdir.<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Bence DDKO <\/strong>kopu\u015fuyla ba\u015flayan d\u00f6nemin olumlu olarak nitelenebi\u00ad<\/span>lecek a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k merkezini 1970’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren ortaya <\/span>\u00e7\u0131kan KOMAL <\/strong>yay\u0131nevi \u00e7evresi ve RIZGAR\u0130 hareketi olu\u015fturdu. \u00d6zel\u00ad<\/span>likle KOMAL <\/strong>yay\u0131nevinin K\u00fcrt ulusal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimli\u011fiyle, y\u0131llard\u0131r <\/span>Kemalist ideoloji taraf\u0131ndan bilin\u00e7li <\/strong>olarak unutturulmu\u015f K\u00fcrt tarihi <\/span>konusundaki yap\u0131tlar\u0131 yay\u0131na sokmas\u0131 bir sonraki d\u00f6nemin b\u00fcy\u00fck at\u0131\u00ad<\/span>l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n zeminini yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eu saptamay\u0131 kolayca yapmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn:<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde geli\u015fen K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin ideolojik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ta\u00ad<\/span>rihsel hammaddesi bu birikimden yo\u011frulmu\u015ftur.<\/span><\/strong>Ancak bu az\u0131msanmamas\u0131 gereken ideolojik altyap\u0131 \u00fczerinde RIZ-GAR\u0130’nin kendisi y\u00fckselememi\u015f, ayn\u0131 kaynaklardan o zamanlar daha <\/span><\/span>s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olarak beslenen bir ba\u015fka hareket, PKK, \u00f6zellikle 1984 at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131y\u00ad<\/span>la KOMAL’\u0131n<\/span> bir \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemde in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ideolojik te\u00ad<\/span>melleri kendine dayanak yaparak ciddi bir s\u0131\u00e7rama ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u015eimdi tam bu noktada bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi geli\u015fimiyle bir ulusal m\u00fc\u00ad<\/span>cadele geli\u015fimi aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131k ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. \u015e\u00fcphesiz her ulusal m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7inde de bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi s\u00fcreci ya\u015fan\u0131r. Ancak ulu\u00ad<\/span>sal bir hareketi saf bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi s\u00fcrecinden ay\u0131rdeden yan, eko\u00ad<\/span>nomik kriz fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn kolayl\u0131kla t\u00e2li bir rol oynayabilmesidir. Ger\u00ad<\/span>\u00e7ekten de salt politik kriz ve ulusal kimli\u011fin ezilen ulus\u00e7a benimsenme\u00ad<\/span>si devrimci bir \u00f6nderlikle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fti\u011finde k\u0131sa bir zamanda devrimci <\/span>olmayan bir durumdan \u00f6ndevrimci, hatta devrimci bir duruma ge\u00e7i\u015fi <\/span>sa\u011flayabiliyor. Ezilen kitlelerin ulusal bilin\u00e7le harekete ge\u00e7irilmesi \u015f\u00fcp\u00ad<\/span>hesiz di\u011ferine oranla b\u00fcy\u00fck bir avantajd\u0131r. Tabii bu avantaj\u0131n ger\u00e7ek <\/span>bir avantaj haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi devrimci partinin ulusal m\u00fccadelenin ken\u00ad<\/span>disine sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir m\u00fccadeleye evriltebilmesiyle m\u00fcm\u00ad<\/span>k\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Ama bu ayr\u0131 bir konu. Burada s\u00f6ylemek istedi\u011fim, K\u00fcrdis<\/span>tan’da oldu\u011fu gibi s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 say\u0131da fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn biraraya gelmesinin bir \u00f6n\u00addevrimci ve giderek devrimci bir durumu yaratmaya yetti\u011fidir. Hele <\/span>\u00fclke yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn n\u00fcfusun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir <\/span>\u00fclkeyse. \u0130\u015fte 1984 at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 bu ba\u011flamda ele almak gerekir. Bu y\u00fczden <\/span>de L. Trotskiy’in \u0130spanya \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda P.O.U.M.*’la ilgili de\u00ad<\/span>\u011ferlendirmesini an\u0131msatmakta yarar oldu\u011fu kan\u0131s\u0131nday\u0131m:<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

“…Politikay\u0131 devrimin temel yasalar\u0131na uydurmak gerekir, <\/span>yani m\u00fccadele halindeki s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n hareketine ba\u011flamak… <\/span>Devrim s\u0131ras\u0131nda en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck direni\u015f \u00e7izgisi en beter ifl\u00e2s \u00e7iz\u00ad<\/span>gisi haline gelir… A\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ihtiyat en \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc ihtiyats\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. <\/span>\u0130\u015fte \u0130spanya’n\u0131n en d\u00fcr\u00fcst politik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olan merkezci parti <\/span>P.O.UM.’un \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lacak temel ders budur.” <\/span>(L.Trotskiy, “\u0130spanya Dersleri, Son Uyar\u0131”, S\u0131n\u0131f Bilinci, Sa\u00ad<\/span>y\u0131 3, Sayfa 77, Aral\u0131k 1988)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

1984 sonras\u0131 geli\u015fmeler herkes\u00e7e \u00e7ok iyi biliniyor. Yeniden hat\u0131rlat\u00admakta yarar oldu\u011funu sanm\u0131yorum. Ancak K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin ger\u00ad<\/span>\u00e7ek tarihinin bu”andan itibaren yaz\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bir ger\u00e7ektir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Art\u0131k bundan b\u00f6yle K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi olarak nitelenebilecek ha\u00adreket ve onun \u00f6nderli\u011fi 1989 sonunda ve sonras\u0131nda Do\u011fu Avrupa ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nde ya\u015fananlardan da paradoksal bir bi\u00e7imde olumlu <\/span>sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131karmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin \u00f6nderli\u011fine bu im<\/span>k\u00e2n\u0131 yakalama f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00fcphesiz kendi do\u011fas\u0131 sundu. Nitekim “gele\u00ad<\/span>neksel kom\u00fcnist hareketler” Sovyetler Birli\u011fi b\u00fcrokrasisinin maddi veya manevi deste\u011fini kaybettikleri anda -buna ne id\u00fc\u011f\u00fc belirsiz teorik do\u00ad<\/span>nan\u0131m\u0131 da eklemek gerek – ayaklar\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131ndaki toprak kayd\u0131 ve bo\u015f\u00ad<\/span>lukta y\u00fczmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Burada K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi \u00f6nderli\u011finin ben\u00ad<\/span>zer bir demoralizasyona kap\u0131lmamas\u0131n\u0131 “geleneksel sol”un bir bile\u015fe\u00adni olmamas\u0131nda aramak gerekir. Bununla birlikte K\u00fcrt ulusal hareke\u00ad<\/span>tinin geli\u015fiminde d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 hareketin kitleselle\u015fme d\u00f6neminin ba\u015f\u00adlang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan 1990 y\u0131l\u0131 ve sonras\u0131d\u0131r. Nitekim \u00f6zellikle Botan b\u00f6l\u00ad<\/span>gesinde patlak veren kitlesel m\u00fccadele salt askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fc\u00adlen m\u00fccadelenin yetersizli\u011finin bir sonucu olmu\u015f ve askeri m\u00fccadele\u00ad<\/span>nin de g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesini beraberinde getirmi\u015ftir. Sonu\u00e7ta kitlesellik Botan’\u0131n <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fm\u0131\u015f, hatta T\u00fcrk metropollerinde de etkisini hissettirmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte t\u00fcm bu geli\u015fmelerin ku\u015fkusuz T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi <\/span>\u00fczerinde bir dizi etkileri olmal\u0131yd\u0131, oluyor da. \u015eimdi buna gelelim.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk Sosyalist hareketinin \u00fczerindeki \u00f6l\u00fc topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rebilmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok keskin g\u00f6zlere sahip olmak gerekmiyor. Her\u015fey ayan beyan orta\u00adda. Bug\u00fcne kadar yap\u0131lan tahlillerde iki fakt\u00f6r \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131: 12 Eyl\u00fcl <\/span>1980 askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve \u00f6zellikle 1989 sonundan itibaren Sovyet sis\u00ad<\/span>temiyle Do\u011fu Avrupa \u00fclkelerinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme s\u00fcrecinin h\u0131zlanmas\u0131. Ben <\/span>bunlara, <\/span>ilk<\/span> bak\u0131\u015fta \u00e7ok \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 gelebilecek bir \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc ve daha \u00f6nem\u00adli sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m bir fakt\u00f6r\u00fc ekleme yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131y\u0131m: K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin h\u0131zl\u0131 <\/span>y\u00fckseli\u015fi. \u015eimdi daha ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karaca\u011f\u0131m sonuncusuna gel\u00admeden \u00f6nce ilk iki fakt\u00f6re de\u011finmek istiyorum. Birinci Saptama: <\/span>12 <\/span>Eyl\u00fcl 1980 askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi \u00fczerindeki <\/span>tahrip edici etkileri yeni yeni ya\u015fanmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yor. \u00d6zellikle 1983 y\u0131l\u0131n\u00ad<\/span>dan sonra- ki bu d\u00f6nem 1987’lere kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fc – T\u00fcrk sosyalist hare\u00ad<\/span>keti 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980’den \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n 12 Mart’tan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fla benzer \u00f6zellikler g\u00f6s\u00ad<\/span>terebilece\u011fi yan\u0131lsamas\u0131na kap\u0131ld\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla 1987 y\u0131l\u0131 dip noktas\u0131 ola\u00ad<\/span>rak al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda hareketin yeniden ivme kazanmas\u0131 beklendi. \u0130\u015fin ilgin\u00adci, bu, asl\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i tabakalar i\u00e7in halen fazlas\u0131yla do\u011f\u00ad<\/span>ru. Ama bitik durumda olan esas sosyalist kadrolard\u0131. \u00ee\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fc\u00adm\u00fcnde buna da de\u011finece\u011fimden, \u015fimdi ikinci fakt\u00f6re, yani Do\u011fu Av\u00ad<\/span>rupa ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi meselesine geliyorum. \u0130kinci Saptama: <\/span>Do\u011fu <\/span>Avrupa ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’ndeki geli\u015fmeler esas olarak <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00fcze\u00ad<\/span>rinde de\u011fil sosyalist kadrolar \u00fczerinde ciddi tahribat yapt\u0131. Nedenine <\/span>gelince. T\u00fcrkiye bir-Bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkesi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir ko\u00ad<\/span>m\u00fcnist parti gelene\u011fine sahip bir \u00fclke de de\u011fildir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Do\u011fu <\/span>Avrupa ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’ndeki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin Bat\u0131 <\/span>ve \u00f6zellik<\/span>le G\u00fcney Avrupa’n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flan ve onlar\u0131n ekonomik – politik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00ad<\/span>leri \u00fczerindeki olumsuz etkisi \u00e7ok daha fazla olmu\u015ftur, olmaktad\u0131r. <\/span>T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Sovyetler sistemine hay\u00adranl\u0131k duyan bir “bilin\u00e7” d\u00fczeyindeydi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Stalinizmin felake\u00ad<\/span>te varan olumsuz tablosundan esas etkilenenler \u00e7e\u015fitli “Sosyalist dev\u00adletler”} kendilerine \u00f6rnek alm\u0131\u015f sosyalist kadrolar oldu. Yani; Sovyet\u00ad<\/span>ler Birli\u011fi’ni, \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti’ni, Bulgaristan’\u0131, Arnavutluk’u, <\/span>Vietnam’\u0131, Nikaragua’y\u0131 ideal model olarak g\u00f6ren sosyalist kadrolar. <\/span>Ku\u015fkusuz bu geli\u015fmelerden en az sosyalist kadrolar kadar hayal k\u0131r\u0131k\u00adl\u0131\u011f\u0131na u\u011frayan sosyalist “entelicensiya”n\u0131n art\u0131k sosyalist hareketi bes\u00ad<\/span>lemekten uzak kalm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 da unutulmamal\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ancak bence en \u00f6nemli etkiye sahip saptamaya geliyorum \u015fimdi. <\/span>\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Saptama: T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketini en \u00e7ok zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcren geli\u015f\u00ad<\/span>me K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin h\u0131zl\u0131 y\u00fckseli\u015fidir. Ger\u00e7ekten de T\u00fcrk sos\u00ad<\/span>yalist hareketinin ge\u00e7mi\u015f kadrosal birikimine bir g\u00f6z at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu\u00ad<\/span>nun g\u00f6zlemlenmesi kolayl\u0131kla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Herkes\u00e7e bilinir ki, T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketinin kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fc de\u011filse bile \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7o\u011fun\u00ad<\/span>lu\u011fu 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6ncesinde K\u00fcrt devrimcilerinden olu\u015fmaktayd\u0131. 12 Eyl\u00fcl <\/span>\u00f6ncesinin DY, DS, Kurtulu\u015f, <\/span>\u00f6zellikle HK, DHB, <\/span>Partizan ve hatta TKP <\/span>gibi siyasi hareketlerine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bunlar\u0131n militan kadrola\u00adr\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli devrimciler oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011finin yads\u0131nmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u0130\u015fte K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc tempodaki y\u00fckseli\u015fi bu gruplar\u0131n zaman\u0131nda olduk\u00e7a kolay elde ettik\u00ad<\/span>leri bir hammaddeyi ka\u00e7\u0131rmalar\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur. Bir\u00e7ok Maocu ve\u00ad<\/span>ya Arnavutluk yanl\u0131s\u0131 grubu bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131rsak – ki onlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan <\/span>durum kesinlikle b\u00f6yledir – T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketinin DS, DY <\/span>ve Kur\u00ad<\/span><\/span>tulu\u015f <\/span>gibi gruplar\u0131 i\u00e7in de durum bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde farkl\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u00dcstelik so\u00ad<\/span>run art\u0131k sadece K\u00fcrdistan’da g\u00fc\u00e7lenememekle de ilgili de\u011fil. \u0130\u015fin bu <\/span>y\u00f6n\u00fc zaten 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6ncesinde de ya\u015fan\u0131r olmu\u015ftu. 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6ncesinde ya\u015fanan bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u015fimdi Kars ve Tunceli gibi illerde fazlas\u0131yla ge\u00e7erli\u00ad<\/span>dir. Ama daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 olan benzer bir s\u00fcrecin bu kez T\u00fcrkiye’nin met\u00ad<\/span>ropollerinde de ya\u015fanmaya ba\u015flann olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bunun en tipik \u00f6rne\u011fi\u00adni de DS ya\u015f\u0131yor. Nitekim geleneksel olarak T\u00fcrkiye’nin metropolle\u00ad<\/span>rindeki geni\u015f kent yoksullar\u0131 n\u00fcfusu – ki bunlar\u0131n \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc K\u00fcrt <\/span>ve Alevi k\u00f6kenlidir – s\u00f6z gelimi DS gibi bir h \u0131reketin potansiyel taba\u00ad<\/span>n\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Ama art\u0131k bu kesimler K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin geli\u015fme<\/span>siyle birlikte as\u0131llar\u0131na r\u00fcc\u00fb <\/span>etmeyi tercih ediyorlar. Seyyar sat\u0131c\u0131lar, <\/span>i\u015fportac\u0131lar ve genel olarak gecekondu gen\u00e7li\u011fi son Newroz kutlama\u00ad<\/span>lar\u0131nda en az\u0131ndan \u0130stanbul’da g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi ulusal kimliklerine uy\u00ad<\/span>gun davranmaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Bu \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fmedir ve T\u00fcrk sos\u00ad<\/span>yalist hareketi i\u00e7in yeni bir kan kayb\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu \u00fc\u00e7 saptamadan sonra T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketinin verili kadrolar\u0131<\/span>na bakmakta yarar var. Geli\u015fimi i\u015f\u00e7i hareketiyle ba\u011flant\u0131land\u0131rabilmek <\/span>i\u00e7in esas olarak sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i kadrolar \u00fczerinde duraca\u011f\u0131m. \u00d6ncelikle <\/span>belirtmek gerekir ki, T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketinin varolan kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>\u00e7ok c\u0131l\u0131z bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 halen fiilen i\u015f\u00e7i stat\u00fcs\u00fcndedirler. Ayr\u0131ca kendileri\u00ad<\/span>ni i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinden b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yal\u0131tm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131rlar. Herhangi <\/span>bir fabrikada veya i\u015fyerinde sosyalist bir i\u015f\u00e7i olarak bulunmak bile ye\u00adterli g\u00f6r\u00fclmekte, a\u00e7\u0131k politik faaliyete \u00f6nem verilmemektedir. Bu du\u00ad<\/span>rumda da, bir\u00e7ok fabrika ve i\u015fyerinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve herhangibir si\u00ad<\/span>yasi angajman\u0131 olmayan “do\u011fal i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6nderleri” politik sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u00ad<\/span>rolar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazla etkileyebilmektedirler geni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i kitlesini. Do\u00ad<\/span>lay\u0131s\u0131yla sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7iler koca koca i\u015fyerlerinde etraflar\u0131na bir-iki ki\u015fi\u00ad<\/span>yi toplamakla yetinirken, genel i\u015f\u00e7i kitlesini harekete ge\u00e7irme konusunda <\/span>\u00e7ekingen ve \u00fcrkek davranmaktad\u0131rlar. Hatta zaman zaman genel kitle <\/span>hareketini kendilerini de\u015fifre ettirmemek kayg\u0131s\u0131yla frenlemeye bile \u00e7a\u00ad<\/span>l\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131rlar. Ku\u015fkusuz bu, t\u00fcm sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i kadrolar\u0131 i\u00e7in genelle\u015f<\/span>tirilebilecek bir yakla\u015f\u0131m de\u011fildir. Ancak geni\u015fleyip, kitleselle\u015fememe<\/span>nin bir etkeni olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmelidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Daha \u00f6nceki bir yaz\u0131mda da belirtmi\u015ftim**: T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi\u00ad<\/span>nin 1980 sonras\u0131 geli\u015fiminin motor g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6ncesinde D\u0130SK’in <\/span>geleneksel olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc oldu\u011fu kesimleri de\u011fil, g\u00f6rece “geri” sendi\u00adkal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerin kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131ndaki kamu kesimi i\u015f\u00e7ileri olu\u015fturdu\u00ad<\/span>lar. Ve bu durum halen de devam ediyor. 89 Bahar eylemleri, Zongul\u00addak grevi ve \u015fimdiki K\u0130T i\u015f\u00e7ileri eylemleri gibi. Bunda ku\u015fkusuz en \u00f6nemli pay T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f b\u00fcnyesinde yer alan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin 12 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fcn darbesini D\u0130SK’li i\u015f\u00e7iler kadar \u00fczerlerinde hissetmemi\u015f olmalar\u0131 ve bu y\u00fczden <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadele azimlerinin daha y\u00fcksek olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Tabii’ bir ikinci <\/span>etken de ANAP h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin izledi\u011fi K\u0130T politikalar\u0131n\u0131n 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6n\u00adcesine g\u00f6re g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fimdir. <\/span>T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin genel durumuna gelince: <\/span>Bu hareket sosyalist hareketle k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda gerek moral gerekse <\/span>kendine duydu\u011fu g\u00fcven a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u015fu haliyle bile daha ileri bir noktada <\/span>yer al\u0131yor. \u00d6zellikle Zonguldak grevi s\u0131ras\u0131nda kendi \u00fcretti\u011fi demok\u00adratik talepler ve ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleriyle ne kadar k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre zarf\u0131nda politikle\u015febilece\u011finin mesajlar\u0131n\u0131 verdi. H\u00e2l\u00e2 da vermeye devam ediyor. <\/span>T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi en az onun kadar kendine g\u00fcven kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131nda – bu da ancak net bir iktidar program\u0131 ve aktif \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00e7abas\u0131yla <\/span>m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr – s\u0131\u00e7raman bir geli\u015fme g\u00f6sterebilme \u015fans\u0131n\u0131 yakalayabilir <\/span>san\u0131yorum. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7<\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

a)\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/span><\/span>K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan:<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye’de devrimci olmayan durum, <\/strong><\/span>K\u00fcrdistan’da ise en az\u0131ndan \u00f6n devrimci <\/strong><\/span>bir durum ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan iki hareket aras\u0131nda e\u015fitsiz bir <\/span>geli\u015fme ya\u015fan\u0131yor. Bu e\u015fitsizlik nedeniyle Zonguldak-Botan Hatt\u0131 <\/strong><\/span>yak\u00ad<\/span>la\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n temelleri hen\u00fcz sa\u011flam de\u011fildir. T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7inde <\/span>bulundu\u011fu devrimci olmayan <\/strong><\/span>d\u00f6nemde gerici ulusal \u00f6nyarg\u0131lardan ve \u015fovenizm belas\u0131ndan kurtulmu\u015f de\u011fildir. Kald\u0131 ki ezen ulus \u015fovenizmi\u00ad<\/span>nin ortadan kalkabilmesi, tarihsel olarak bilindi\u011fi gibi, \u00e7ok ciddi bir <\/span>s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadele y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve \u00f6nc\u00fc partinin sebatl\u0131 politikalar\u0131 saye\u00ad<\/span>sinde k\u0131r\u0131labilir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bununla birlikte K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi varm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu noktada enter\u00adnasyonalizmin <\/strong><\/span>gereklili\u011fini T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinden \u00e7ok daha fazla <\/span>kavram\u0131\u015f durumda. Ku\u015fkusuz son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 soyk\u0131r\u0131ma va\u00ad<\/span>ran felaketler de K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 her zamankinden daha \u00e7ok enternasyo\u00ad<\/span>nalizme s\u00fcr\u00fckl\u00fcyor. Ancak enternasyonalizm asl\u0131nda kuru kuruya da\u00ad<\/span>yan\u0131\u015fma mesajlar\u0131n\u0131n sunulmas\u0131 ve hatta sadece zaman zaman ortak <\/span>m\u00fccadeleler y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bile de\u011fildir. Enternasyonalizmin esas \u00f6z\u00fc ifadesini \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fckte bulur. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck de bir d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i parti\u00ad<\/span><\/span>si <\/strong><\/span>ve onun Ortado\u011fu seksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etmeden ge\u00e7er. Devrimci Mark\u00ad<\/span>sist bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisi ve onun devrimci Marksist Ortado\u011fu seksiyonlar\u0131.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

b)<\/span><\/strong>T\u00fcrk <\/span><\/span><\/strong>sosyalist hareketi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan:<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00c7aresizlik ortamlar\u0131 asl\u0131nda \u00e7arelerin yarat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r da. K\u00fcrt ulusal ha\u00ad<\/span>reketinin h\u0131zl\u0131 y\u00fckseli\u015fi T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketinin bir\u00e7ok siyasal ak\u0131\u00adm\u0131n\u0131n bundan b\u00f6yle siyaset sahnesinden ilelebet silinmesini beraberin\u00ad<\/span>de getiriyor. 12 Eyl\u00fcl \u00f6ncesinin ad\u0131 an\u0131lmaya de\u011fer bir\u00e7ok ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n <\/span>bundan sonra hi\u00e7bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u015fans\u0131 olmayabilir. Ku\u015fkusuz, bu, k\u0131sa d\u00f6\u00ad<\/span>nemde K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketine verdirece\u011fi bir <\/span>“zarar”d\u0131r. Ama tarih bug\u00fcne kadar hep tersine i\u015flemi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131y\u00ad<\/span>la bunda gocunacak bir durum yoktur. Tam tersine uzun d\u00f6nemde bu <\/span>sayede T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi kendi geli\u015fimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck bir <\/span>yarar da elde edecektir. Kolayc\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndan belki de <\/span>kurtulma imk\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 elde edecek, bunlar\u0131n yerine i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7inde k\u00f6k <\/strong><\/span><\/span>salabilmenin yollar\u0131n\u0131 aramaya koyulacakt\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden T\u00fcrk sosya\u00ad<\/span>list hareketi K\u00fcrt hareketine olsa olsa te\u015fekk\u00fcr bor\u00e7ludur.<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

c)<\/span><\/strong>T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan:<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt hareketinin do\u011frudan ba\u011flam\u0131nda <\/span>olmamakla birlikte T\u00fcrkiye <\/span>i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00e7ok <\/span>\u00f6nemli geli\u015fmelere gebe bir <\/span>harekettir. 89 Bahar <\/span>ey\u00adlemleri, Zonguldak grevi, en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir yasall\u0131k sa\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u0130zmir 1 <\/span>May\u0131s mitinginin g\u00f6rkemli <\/span>kalabal\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u015fu s\u0131ralar ya\u015fanmakta olan 600<\/span><\/span> bin i\u015f\u00e7inin eylemi, T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in g\u00f6stermelik olarak kapt\u0131-ka\u00e7t\u0131 misali Bur<\/span>sa’ya ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 eyleme 60-70 bin i\u015f\u00e7inin co\u015fkulu bir bi\u00e7imde kat\u0131lmas\u0131 <\/span>patlamaya haz\u0131r bir volkan\u0131n k\u00fckremesini and\u0131r\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Son olarak yeni bir D\u0130SK mi, T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f mi tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 anlaml\u0131 bir tar<\/span>t\u0131\u015fma de\u011fildir. D\u0130SK’in faaliyetten yasaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ge\u00e7en 11 <\/span>y\u0131l sonunda bug\u00fcn ka\u00e7 D\u0130SK’li i\u015f\u00e7inin halen fabrikalarda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 he<\/span>saplan\u0131rsa, san\u0131r\u0131m fazla bir rakama ula\u015f\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. \u00d6te yan<\/span>dan g\u00f6r\u00fclen o ki, bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrk-l\u015f sendikalar\u0131 y\u00f6netimlerine ve bizzat <\/span>T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f \u00fcst y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tepki mevcuttur. Bu tepki y\u00f6n<\/span>lendirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmadan ya\u015fanacak bir kopu\u015f k\u0131sa d\u00f6nemde ancak \u015eev<\/span>ket Y\u0131lmaz kli\u011fiyle Turgut \u00d6zaF\u0131n i\u015fine gelir. \u015eu anda T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f i\u00e7inde<\/span>ki her sendikada “Taban\u0131n s\u00f6z ve karar sahibi olmas\u0131 i\u00e7in” t\u00fcm dev<\/span>rimci sosyalist hareketlerin ortak m\u00fccadele etmesi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. An<\/span>cak bu ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011finde -ki ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi zay\u0131f bir olas\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r- tepkileri daha da sertle\u015fecek olan tabanla birlikte a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131ya yeni, m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde s\u0131nanm\u0131\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6nderli\u011fiyle g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir konfederasyo<\/span>na gidilebilir. Ama \u00f6nce yine kolay\u0131na ka\u00e7madan etkili bir m\u00fccadele<\/span> s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek gerekir.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

* P.O.U.M. <\/strong>(Partido Obrero de Unificacion Maraista – Birle\u015fik Marksist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi.)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u2666\u2022 Bk. \u015e. OzansU, “Milli Uzla\u015fma D\u00f6nemi Arifesinde Devrimci Birlik S\u00fcreci”, S\u0131n\u0131f <\/strong><\/span>Bilinci, 6, Mart 1990, s. 22<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bu bir inceleme-ara\u015ft\u0131rma yaz\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fil. Ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konular\u0131 tarihsel ba\u011flamlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftirip kesin, mutlak politik sonu\u00e7lara varmay\u0131 da hedeflemiyor. Ancak son d\u00f6nemde h\u0131zla geli\u015fen K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi\u00adnin gerek kendi i\u00e7indeki ayr\u0131\u015fma ve netle\u015fmenin, gerekse bu netle\u015fme\u00adnin ve y\u00fckseli\u015fin T\u00fcrk sosyalist hareketi \u00fczerindeki etkisinin k\u0131sa ve uzun d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00fczerinde ne gibi yans\u0131malar\u0131 ola\u00adbilece\u011fini […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[35],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-82","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-9-10-say"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/82","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=82"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/82\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":460,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/82\/revisions\/460"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=82"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=82"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pgbsosyalizm.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=82"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}